Women in Balkan Media ‘Must Speak Out’ Against Sexual Harassment

Despite that the majority of journalists in the Western Balkans are women, they still face gender-based discrimination and abuse and often do not feel secure in speaking out due to fears of losing their jobs or reputation and not receiving the necessary support, an online panel discussion organised by BIRN was told on Thursday.

Media organisations in the Balkans should have proper codes and procedures to follow in cases of sexual harassment or other kinds of gender-based discrimination, said BIRN’s project coordinator Sofija Todorovic, who moderated the debate entitled ‘#MeToo in Journalism: When Will Balkan Journalists Speak Up?’

This would “enable that every journalist at the media outlet where she works to be aware of the steps she can follow”, said Todorovic.

Dafina Halili, contributing editor at online magazine Kosovo 2.0, spoke of the difficulty of speaking out in a small country such as Kosovo.

“Women journalists are often harassed in the newsroom in front of journalists who then speak in public and on live TV about sexual harassment [as phenomenon] but do not intervene in cases when their colleagues are being harassed [while they are present,” she said.

Halili said that Kosovo has yet to witness a #MeToo movement, as no public figures have yet spoken out about the harassment they have suffered. But she said that it is positive that young people in Kosovo are organising protests and other events for women rights.

Jelena Jovanovic, a journalist at Montenegrin news outlet Vijesti, said that a patriarchal mindset often stops women from speaking out, particularly in rural areas where even domestic violence is kept hidden.

Jovanovic explains the situation is not much different for women journalists who often are faced with gossip that they achieved where they are by sleeping their way up.

“I took the approach saying ‘yes I did it’ to shut people up and at one point it worked but it did not stop, the gossip moved to other colleagues” Jovanovic explains.

Natalija Miletic, a journalist and fixer who works between Serbia and Germany, explained that despite the #MeToo movement, the situation remains difficult.

She said that in Serbia, despite the fact that some media organisations are overwhelmingly staffed by women, “there is no woman editor-in-chief in the mainstream media”.

Zhaklin Lekatari, a journalist, sex blogger and human rights activist in Albania, said that a #MeToo movement does not exist in Albania either, and that there are two main issues women in the country face when considering speaking out about their experiences of abuse and sexual harassment – fear and lack of trust.

“We don’t have a gap in the gender representation of editors-in-chief in Albania, but the [media companies’] policies are not feminist,” Lekatari said.

The panellists agreed that the problem will not be solved by having more female editors-in-chief, but by improving management practices and editorial policies.

Lekatari advised young female journalists to seek support and solidarity – “find support, identify, link groups together and organise them”.

Urging women journalists to come forward and speak to BIRN about their stories, even anonymously, Todorevic said: “The right time to speak up is whenever the women [who have been victims of abuse or sexual harassment] are ready to speak up and if they don’t speak sooner it is everybody’s fault.”

Moldovan Journalists Win Free Speech Case at European Court

The European Court of Human Rights on Tuesday ruled in favour of RISE Moldova after the investigative media outlet was sued for defamation for an article alleging that there was offshore financing from Russia of the Moldovan Socialist Party’s presidential election campaign in 2016.

“The European Court of Human Rights held, unanimously, that there had been a violation of Article 10 [freedom of expression] of the European Convention on Human Rights,” the court said in a statement.

The court also awarded the plaintiffs 3,800 euros in damages, costs and expenses.

“Today’s decision is a strong encouragement for Moldovan journalists and investigative reporters to do their job honestly and without fear of frequent pressure from corrupt politicians, but also from intimidation from businessmen connected to public money,” the director of RISE Moldova, Iurie Sanduta, told BIRN.

According to the RISE Moldova investigation called ‘Dodon’s Bahamas Money’, the Socialist Party allegedly benefited from money coming from a secretive business with an offshore company in the Bahamas, which was connected to the Russian Federation.

The company allegedly transferred over 30 million Moldovan lei (about 1.5 million euros) to the party.

The money entered Moldova a few months before the 2016 presidential election through Exclusiv Media. Exclusiv Media is owned by Corneliu Furculita, a Socialist MP and childhood friend of Igor Dodon, who was running as the Socialist candidate in the election.

Based on loan agreements, millions of Moldovan lei flowed from the company to several who were members of the Socialist Party or close to it. The money was used to sponsor Dodon’s presidential campaign.

RISE Moldova’s journalists were sued by both Exclusiv Media and the Socialist Party back in November 2016.

The first-instance court ruled in favour of Exclusiv Media and the Socialists in December 2017, but RISE Moldova challenged the decision at the Moldovan Court of Appeal.

However, both the Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court of Justice rejected their legal challenges, so RISE Moldova’s director Sanduta filed a complaint to the European rights court in January 2019.

“Moldovan judges issued a decision in favour of Dodon, who had already become president. We decided to go to the ECHR and fight for freedom of expression because our investigation had a lot of evidence that exactly proved the facts described in the journalistic investigation,” added Iurie Sanduta.

In March 2020, RISE Moldova eventually won its domestic legal battle against Exclusiv Media at the Chisinau District Court.

Rights Groups Urge Albania to Cancel ‘Media and Info Agency’

Six organisations partnered under the Media Freedom Rapid Response group called on the government of Edi Rama in Albania to abandon plans to create a Media and Information Agency while urging the European Union to include the issue in future talks on membership.

ARTICLE 19, European Centre for Press and Media Freedom, ECPMF, International Press Institute, IPI, OBC Transeuropa, OBCT, European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) and Free Press Unlimited (FPU) said an already difficult situation for Albania journalists would likely deteriorate further and government influence on the flow of information would solidity if plans for the agency go forward.

“The undersigned partners of Media Freedom Rapid Response today express serious concern over a new Media and Information Agency (MIA) established by the government of Prime Minister Edi Rama in Albania and urge the ruling Socialist Party to immediately cancel the establishment to ensure it will not be used to further solidify control over the flow of public information,” the letter reads.

“We also urge the European Union to immediately engage with the Albanian government to raise these concerns as a matter of priority in future accession talks,” it adds.

Plans for the agency were announced on 20 September. According to it, the spokesperson of the government will “will be at the same level as that of a state minister” and will hire and fire spokespersons of all state institutions and will also produce “audiovisual or press information” to be distributed for free and also “observe media and mass communication tools, to take note of the perception and views of the public towards the activities of [government] institutions and the public administration”.

Albanian media dubbed the agency “a ministry of propaganda” and a “ministry of truth”, though the government claims it has borrowed the model from German and Italian governments, which, according to it, have similar structures.

“Our organisations share the concerns expressed by various leading editors-in-chief, civil society groups and media unions in Albania that rather than improve journalists’ access to public information, the establishment of the MIA may result in the exact opposite,” the letter by the rights organisations reads.

“Context is vital here,” it adds. “Journalists in Albania currently work in an extremely difficult climate for accessing information from government sources. The government communicates with journalists via WhatsApp groups instead of using official communication channels. Reporters working for independent media are regularly discriminated against when seeking information or comment from ministers. Journalists viewed as representing ‘opposition’ outlets are denied accreditation or barred from asking questions at press conferences,” it continues.

They also see the agency’s role of “observing mass communication means” as a problem that “sets alarm bells ringing”.

“Following major revelations about the collection of citizen’s data by political parties via state institutions, the notion of tax-payer money being used to fund the monitoring of the press and social media by a government agency sets alarm bells ringing,” the letter reads.

Following the outcry from local rights organisations and journalists, the government has not yet moved to establish the agency and has not appointed a director, although it is widely expected that PM Edi Rama’s current spokesperson, Endri Fuga, will hold the position.

Rama has a poor record in terms of building independent institutions. Last June, he defied explicit requests by the European Commission to not appoint Armela Krasniqi, a close collaborator and former party spokesperson, as chairman of the Audiovisual Media Authority, an agency that should be politically independent.

“In the longer term, this agency ultimately risks being a powerful tool for any government, current or future, to control the flow of public information to the media and to influence what citizens read, hear and watch. The role of journalists is to act as a filter between government and citizens. Limiting their ability to do so by constraining opportunities to question officials and side-lining critical journalists severely limits the ability of the press to do its job and hold power to account,” the letter reads.

Albania Govt’s Planned Information Agency Accused of ‘Propaganda’ Role

The Albanian government has come under criticism from the opposition and rights groups after it decided on Saturday to establish a new Agency for Media and Information that will centralise the government’s media messaging, sparking allegations that Prime Minister Edi Rama’s administration is seeking to evade media scrutiny.

The agency will be led by the government’s spokesperson, whose position will be “at the same level as that of a state minister”. It will control the hiring and firing of press officers in all central government institutions, including ministries.

It role will also be to “observe media and mass communication tools, to take note of the perception and views of the public towards the activities of [government] institutions and the public administration”, the government decision said.

“As part of the Agency, in any ministry of central government institution, structures will be created or employees will be appointed for information and media communication, appointed by the Agency to represent the respective institutions in their public and media communications, or to carry out any duty ordered by the director of the Agency,” it added.

Agron Gjekmarkaj, an opposition Democratic Party MP, called the move “an imitation of Goebbelsian tools”, a reference to Adolf Hitler’s Minister of Propaganda Joseph Goebbels.

“This Agency for Information is another instrument of propaganda, control and blackmail,” Gjekmarkaj wrote on Facebook on Saturday.

Aleksander Cipa, head of Albanian Media Union, a rights NGO in Tirana, said the decision was a move that aim to “centralise public information”.

“Such practices create a serious problem regarding propaganda and pre-prepared information,” Cipa said.

The government claims the agency is based on “successful similar models in Italy and Germany”.

Socialist Party Prime Minister Rama has already been criticised by domestic and international rights organisations for closing doors to the media by not holding press conferences, creating pre-prepared ‘news’ reports and by livestreaming his political activities using his own crews of camera operatotrs.

Other institutions have moved in the same direction, by employing media crews and distributing ‘news’ reports to private television stations that are pre-prepared for broadcast, as well as publishing them on social media.

Turkish Govt Increasing Internet, Social Media Censorship: Report

A new report published by the Freedom of Expression Association in Turkey on Monday says that the Turkish government under Recep Tayyip Erdogan has increased its censorship over the years on internet and social media.

The report, entitled ‘Disabled Web 2020: Fahrenheit 5651, The Corrosive Effect of Censorship’, says that more than 467,000 websites have been banned in Turkey since 2006, with 58,809 website bans in 2020.

Since 2006, the Turkish authorities have also banned access to 150,000 URLs, 7,500 Twitter accounts, 12,000 YouTube videos, 8,000 Facebook posts and 6,800 Instagram posts, according to the report.

In 2020 alone, 15,832 news articles were ordered to be removed from media webpages, the majority of them critical of Erdogan’s government.

“The Turkish state’s complex internet censorship mechanism continues to be more active than ever before,” the report says.

The Freedom of Expression Association accuses the government of using measures to curb the coronavirus pandemic as an opportunity to increase censorship.

The report says that 764 different state institutions – ministries, directorates and the presidency and its branches, as well as courts – have banned access to webpages for various reasons.

However, according to the data collected by the Freedom of Expression Association, a relatively small proportion of the websites and URLs have been banned by the courts – around 35,000 since 2006.

The report also highlights that a how a digital rights law adopted in 2020 has had a serious impact on social media.

According to the data that the Freedom of Expression Association obtained from the Interior Ministry, a total of 75,292 social media accounts were investigated in 2020 and legal action was taken against 32,000 of them.

The report also says that sanctions on the internet are “no longer limited to only access-blocking practices, there has been a significant increase in the number of news and content removed with the content removal sanction, and censorship has begun to be implemented more effectively”.

“The corrosive and destructive effect of censorship and control mechanisms will continue in the years to come,” the report concludes.

Poland Further Restricts Media Freedom, Angers US with Controversial Media Law

After a stormy day in the Polish parliament, Law and Justice (PiS) finally managed to scrape enough support late on Wednesday evening to pass a law that will prevent companies outside the European Economic Area from owning television stations in Poland.

The law is seen as a move to further restrict media pluralism in the country and directly targeted at TVN, the largest private television station in the country, owned by the US-based Discovery Inc., whose news coverage has been critical of the governing party. It is also a direct snub to the Biden administration, which responded to the passing of the law with a harsh statement arguing it would harm Poland’s media environment, its investment climate and even relations with its western allies.

On Tuesday, the PiS leadership decided to fire from the government Jaroslaw Gowin, the deputy prime minister and leader of Agreement, one of two junior coalition partners of PiS. Gowin had been a thorn in the side of PiS leader Jaroslaw Kaczynski for some time, blocking presidential elections from happening by post back in 2020 and, more recently, opposing the TVN law and the government’s new signature program, the Polish Deal, designed to help Polish working families and win back waning support for the nationalist-populist government.

Without Gowin’s 13 MPs or even some of them, PiS has lost its thin parliamentary majority, which stood at 235 out of 460 seats.

Nevertheless, the party leadership decided to push ahead with the controversial law on Wednesday. Demonstrations in solidarity with TVN were organised in Warsaw and tens of other Polish towns.

Shenanigans

In a surprise development on Wednesday afternoon, the opposition managed to pass a motion introduced by the chairman of the Polish People’s Party, Wladyslaw Kosiniak-Kamysz, which asked for the TVN law vote to be postponed to September. Five parliamentarians from Gowin’s faction and four from the group of maverick politician Pawel Kukiz backed the opposition on this.

There were cheers from the opposition ranks in the parliament upon the announcement of the vote, as this would have been the first major occasion when PiS was defeated in the lower house on a key bill.

But the day was far from over. In what is no longer an unusual practice for PiS, the party’s lawmakers first called for a break, and then invoked anonymous legal experts to claim the vote had been improper in order to force a repeat of the failed vote. By the evening when the poll was repeated, three MPs from the Kukiz’15 group, including its leader Pawel Kukiz, had switched sides to PiS. Kukiz himself pressed the button while opposition MPs shouted “traitor” at him across the hall.

The opposition-controlled Senate is now expected to reject the TVN bill, which the Sejm can later overrule with an absolute majority. In light of this week’s developments, it seems unclear whether PiS can pull that off in the Sejm.

The US, which is a key military and economic partner for Poland, had been putting pressure on Warsaw to leave TVN alone. In a statement following the vote, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken decried the legislation, saying: “Poland is an important NATO ally that understands the Transatlantic Alliance is based on mutual commitments to shared democratic values and prosperity. These pieces of legislation run counter to the principle and values for which modern, democratic nations stand.”

Bulgarian TV Accused of Favouring GERB in Election Coverage

International media watchdog Reporters Without Borders has accused Bulgarian National Television BNT, of bias in its election coverage towards the former ruling GERB party, in a statement released on Tuesday.

A report on how BNT covered GERB in the July elections by the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe, OSCE, said BNT had failed in its duty as a public broadcaster by giving more airtime to GERB, Bulgaria’s ruling party until last April.

“Reporters Without Borders, RSF, calls on the political forces in Bulgaria’s new parliament to carry out deep-seated, systemic reforms to strengthen public media independence after Bulgarian National Television, BNT, violated its legal obligation to provide unbiased coverage of the campaign for the snap parliamentary elections held on 11 July,” the statement says.

On Wednesday, caretaker Minister of Culture and a key voice in the 2020-2021 anti-government protests, Velislav Minekov, said he hopes the authorities will look further into BNT’s reporting after the RSF analysis.

“This distortion of informational politics deprives the viewers and the tax-payers of unbiased and informative choice, especially as elections are being held,” Milenkov said.

Emil Koushlukov, BNT’s Director General, has not commented on the accusations, and former PM and GERB leader Boyko Borissov also did not address the issue at a press conference on Wednesday. 

Koushlukov was a controversial figure even before becoming BNT director in 2019, after siding with different political figures over the years.

He was advisor to the first democratically elected President of Bulgaria, Zhelyo Zhelev, from 1991 to 1996 before becoming an MP in 2001 through the NDSV – National Movement Simeon II – headed by Simeon Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, Bulgaria’s former deposed Tsar.

Between 2013 and 2016, he was working at TV7, then owned by Tsvetan Vassilev, whose Corporate Commercial Bank collapsed and is currently exiled in Serbia, and later at Kanal 3. Between 2016 and 2017 he was a director of Alpha TV, owned by the far-right party Ataka. 

BNT’s coverage of the 2020-2021 protest wave has also come under fire, with protesters often gathering in front of its office in Sofia and accusing it of underrepresenting the size and the seriousness of the demonstrations. 

On July 14, 2020, a petition seeking Koushlukov’s resignation was published and signed by various intellectuals, journalists, artists, and protest figures. 

On August 6, Koushlukov was fined 1,500 euros by the Council for Electronic Media for not following the Law on Radio and Television and offering a right to reply to the caretaker cabinet’s Culture Minister, Velislav Minekov.

In early June, Minekov had said BNT should be investigated over its alleged pro-GERB coverage. This was met by claims about an “unprecedented attack from the authorities” from Koushlukov, who further accused the caretaker cabinet of trying to put pressure on BNT. Minekov demanded airtime to answer these claims.

In the months leading up to inconclusive elections in April, which were followed by repeat elections in July and will probably be followed by a third round in the autumn, BNT often broadcasted press conferences and announcements by former PM Borissov.

Serbia ‘Misused’ Money Laundering Laws to Target Critics, Reuters Reports

Serbia is among several countries that have misused legislation passed to meet Financial Action Task Force, FATF, standards to combat money laundering and terrorism financing to investigate critical voices and NGOs, Reuters reported on Thursday.

According to Reuters, in Uganda, Serbia, India, Tanzania, and Nigeria, the legislation was “used by authorities to investigate journalists, NGO workers, and lawyers”.

“Through constant assessments of countries’ measures, the FATF plays a little-known but key role in shaping financial crime legislation and in dictating governments’ security priorities,” the news agency explained. “Across the globe, it has strengthened laws to crack down on money laundering and terrorist financing.”

“But by pressuring nations with weak democratic frameworks to adopt and bolster such laws, the FATF has unwittingly handed a new legal instrument to authoritarian governments, according to a dozen researchers at think tanks and human rights groups,” it added.

Reuters cited Tom Keatinge, director of the Centre for Financial Crime at the Royal United Services Institute in London, as saying that FATF standards “are increasingly not just being misunderstood, but are being purposefully abused”.

When it comes to Serbia, Reuters recalled a request that the Finance Ministry’s Administration for the Prevention of Money Laundering made to banks in July 2020.

This was to provide “client data on some 50 NGOs and media outlets known for criticizing what they consider to be President Aleksandar Vucic’s increasingly autocratic rule”. The list included Balkan Investigative Reporting Network, BIRN, and a number of BIRN employees.

Reuters further reported that, “after news of the letter leaked, Finance Minister Sinisa Mali told a local television channel the intelligence unit was ‘doing its job’ and the data requests shouldn’t be a problem for the targets ‘if nothing is hidden’”.

No individuals have been charged so far as a result of these probes, Reuters reported.

Reuters reported that Maja Stojanovic, director of Serbia’s nonprofit Civic Initiatives, which was named in the letter, told the news agency she believes the Serbian government is using the data for smear campaigns to undermine NGOs’ work.

“When Stojanovic and other targeted NGOs consulted the banks about the requests, the banks said they couldn’t disclose what information they shared with authorities”, the news agency reported.

Reuters said it asked three of the banks, Banca Intesa Beograd, OTP banka Srbija, and Erste Group Bank, to comment, all of whom declined to do so.

North Macedonia to Toughen Penalties for Attacks on Journalists

Newly envisaged penalties for assaulting a journalist or a media worker adopted by North Macedonia’s government on Tuesday will be from three months to three years in jail, the same as for assaulting a police officer, the Justice Ministry said.

“After adoption by the government, we will immediately process these changes to parliament. I expect parliament to pass these changes right after the summer break”, meaning early autumn, Justice Minister Bojan Maricic said.

The minister said the changes mean in practice that authorities will treat cases where journalists are prevented from doing their job or are attacked the same way as they treat assaults on police officers. Accordingly, the prosecution will process these cases ex officio.

Another change the minister announced is the planned reduction of defamation fines for journalists, editors and media outlets through amendments to the Law on Civil Responsibility.

“The defamation fines for journalists and editors will be five times lower, and for media outlets they will be three times lower [than before],” Maricic wrote.

If these changes pass, a journalist who loses a civil court case for defamation will pay a maximum fine of 400 euros instead of the current maximum of 2,000 euros, which is in many cases equal to or more than four average monthly salaries for a journalist.

For editors, the maximum fine will decrease from 10,000 euros to 2,000, and for the media outlets, the sum should fall from the current maximum of 15,000 to 5,000 euros.

The third announced change that affects journalists is the planned introduction of the criminal offence of stalking. This will envisage fines or jail sentences for stalkers who not only physically endanger or threaten their victims but also do that online.

The maximum sentence for this offence will be three years in jail.

A new study, “Media Pluralism Monitor 2021”, published by the Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom at the European University Institute earlier this month, states that some things have improved for the media in North Macedonia compared to 2016, the last year in power of the former authoritarian PM Nikola Gruevski, who was ousted in 2017.

The report notes that media freedoms in North Macedonia during 2020 were broader, and that journalists and their associations are no longer exposed to serious physical attacks and pressures.

The ministry said the changes are being made not only to increase the security of the journalists but also to prevent online stalking and abuse of private data. The recent so-called Telegram scandal revealed the recurring existence of a Telegram group sharing explicit pictures and videos of women and girls.

Albanian Police Filmed Mistreating TV News Journalists

Albanian police on Tuesday manhandled Ergjys Gjencaj, a journalist for the News 24 TV channel, and pushed his colleague Klodiana Lala after failing to detain a suspected criminal.

The incident was caught on camera, and afterwards Interior Minister Bledi Cuci told BIRN that he will order an investigation, while the Office of Tirana Circuit Prosecution said it will check the police’s conduct.

Several videos taken at the scene show several plainclothes police officers stopping the car of their suspect, who then refuses to unlock the doors.

A News 24 car with the TV channel’s logos on all sides then arrives at the scene and journalists Gjencaj and Lala get out.

Gjencaj starts filming using his mobile phone as the suspect runs away. After failing to arrest the suspect, several officers turn on the journalists.

One of them is seen grabbing the phone of Gjencaj, who is made to lie face down on the ground. As Lala starts protesting, a person in civilian clothes who is believed to be a police officer pushes her away.

Gjencaj told BIRN that police kept him face down for several minutes and checked his pockets.

“I have worked as journalist covering the police for the last 20 years. This is the first time that such thing happened to me,” Gjencaj told BIRN.

Lala, a known crime reporter, said that they both just happened to be on the scene when the attempted arrest took place.

“I cried out that they were stopping a journalist,” Lala said, emphasising that the officers could not have missed the logos of the news channel on their car.

In a statement, the prosecution promised “in-depth verifications of the incident”.


Journalist Ergys Gjencaj lying on the ground during the incident. Photo: Balkanweb.com

State Police director Ardi Veliu didn’t respond to BIRN’s request for a comment by the time of publication.

The Albania Media Council alleged that what happened “can hardly be an isolated incident”

“Unable to respond to crime, they orient the violence towards the reporters,” it said.

The Union of Albanian Journalists, a rights group based in Tirana, said it was “a grave incident” and called for the perpetrators to be punished.

“We condemn this act of violence and police brutality committed against a reporter,” the Union wrote on its Facebook page.

There had been several cases of police violence against reporters in the last several years while concerns had been raised due to lack of punishment for officers involved.

In 2019, police in Dibra mistreated Enver Doci, a News 24 reporter who happened to be at the scene of an operation.

Police acknowledged the incident and apologised following a local and international outcry but the officers responsible faced no consequences.

Police faced further criticism last December when two journalists, Xhoi Malesia and Qamil Chani were violently stopped in two separate incidents while reporting during clashes between police and young protesters.

Calls by Albanian rights groups to Prime Minister Edi Rama and State Police director Veliu to condemn the violence against media workers received no response.

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