Twitter Suspends Accounts of Serbian Ruling Party MPs, Officials

Twitter is reported to have suspended the accounts of at least 16 political figures in Serbia, all of them either members of the ruling Serbian Progressive Party or holders of senior state posts.

Political rights NGO CRTA on Friday named 13 ruling party MPs whose accounts have been suspended – Nevena Djuric, Sandra Bozic, Milica Nikolic, Jelena Obradovic, Aleksandar Markovic, Krsto Janjusevic, Dusan Radojevic, Jelena Zaric Kovacevic, Aleksandra Tomic, Stasa Stojanovic, Zoran Tomic, Andrijana Vasic and Olja Petrovic.

Twitter also suspended the accounts of Miroslav Cuckovic, the newly appointed Belgrade City Manager, and Slavisa Micanovic, a member of the Serbian Progressive Party’s main and executive boards.

The account of Arnaud Gouillon, head of the Foreign Ministry’s Office for Cooperation with the Diaspora and Serbs in the Region, has been suspended too. Gouillon is a French national, founder of the organisation Solidarité Kosovo.

According to screen shots that Gouillon and MP Stasa Stojanovic posted online, they were suspended for breaking Twitter’s rules and were not be able to post new content or to ‘like’ anything.

Stojanovic said on Instagram that she does not know why her Twitter account was suspended.

“I didn’t enter into any discussions, nor did I insult anyone, nor did I do anything bad, especially not there [on Twitter], there I mostly retweet, share and like [Serbian Progressive] party things, things that happen in our country, and above all beautiful things, about art, about culture,” Stojanovic said.

Gouillon implied in a message posted on Facebook that he was suspended over his comment about an opinion survey about whether people in Serbia think the country’s former province of Kosovo “is lost”.

“Twitter just suspended my account where I had 34,000 followers, without explanation! It’s scandalous! Look at my last tweet and decide for yourself if I wrote something wrong,” Gouillon wrote.

This is the third year in a row that Twitter has either down or added warning messages to accounts in Serbia.

In August 2021, Twitter labelled a number of well-known newspapers and TV stations in Serbia as media over whose editorial content the state exercises control “through financial resources and direct or indirect political pressures”.

In April 2020, Twitter removed almost 8,558 accounts that it said were “working to promote Serbia’s ruling party”, the Serbian Progressive Party.

Serbian Journalists Highlight Unresolved Case of Murdered Reporter

The Journalists’ Association of Serbia, UNS asked the International Federation of Journalists on Tuesday to adopt a resolution at its upcoming assembly to call on the Serbian authorities to ensure that the murderers of reporter Milan Pantic are finally found and punished.

In the draft resolution, UNS emphasised that 21 years on, an investigation by the police and the prosecutor’s office in the city of Jagodina has not brought the killers of Pantic to justice or identified those who ordered the murder.

Pantic, who was a correspondent for the newspaper Vecernje Novosti, was beaten to death on June 11, 2001 in Jagodina. During his long career as a journalist, he mainly wrote about high-level corruption cases in the town.

UNS expressed concern that the authorities do not appear to have taken action after information about the case was uncovered by Serbia’s Commission for the Investigation of the Murders of Journalists.

“We are concerned because the findings of the Commission to Investigate the Murders of Journalists have been submitted to Serbian official bodies and after that that there has been no progress,” says the draft UNS resolution.

Veran Matic, who co-founded the iconic Belgrade radio station B92 and is the chairman of the commission created in 2012 to investigate a string of unresolved murders of journalists, said last year that he has traced Pantic’s killing to his coverage of the privatisation of the Novi Popovac cement factory in the town of Paracin.

Matic said that what Pantic wrote “and what he would have written” about the sale had cost him his life.

“If I could, I would gladly tell you the names of all actors, but I still hope that a solution will be found for the case to be resolved,” Matic said in 2021 ahead of the 20th anniversary of Pantic’s death.

Pantic died eight months after the ousting of Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic, when a disparate coalition of reformers, nationalists and opportunists was wrestling with the legacy of a decade of war, sanctions and organised crime.

The annual assembly of the International Federation of Journalists will be held in Oman from May 31 to June 3 this year, and UNS will be represented by its board member Miljan Vitomirovic.

Serbia Targets Purchase of Powerful Swedish Facial Recognition Software

Serbia’s interior ministry planned to buy Swedish-made facial recognition software last year and still might despite deep concern over the legality of such technology under the country’s current legislation, BIRN can report.

According to the manufacturer, Griffeye Analyze DI Pro has the capacity to recognise faces based only on the eyes and, under certain conditions, even when the eyes are not visible. Experts say it can also download large amounts of personal data from the internet and then search, sort, cross and process it based on metadata such as GPS coordinates, the time when an image was taken or phone serial numbers.

The software, which Europol has used since 2019, was on a ministry procurement wish-list for the third quarter of 2021. The purchase has not been made and the ministry did not respond to BIRN requests for comment. But Serbia’s Personal Data Protection Commissioner, Milan Marinovic, said police were unlikely to pass up the opportunity to acquire such technology.

“The idea was to get that technology by the end of 2021. I am convinced that the Ministry of Interior has not given up on it,” Marinovic told BIRN. “No police in the world would give up on such things because it suits them.”

He questioned the legality under current Serbian law, however.

“We are talking about a global threat that I do not like. The software can also physically track you,” said Marinovic. “In Serbia, we do not have the right to such a sophisticated type of data processing of citizens.”

In September 2020, the interior ministry announced a Draft Law on Internal Affairs containing contained provisions for the legalisation of an extensive biometric video surveillance system. It was withdrawn after public outcry.

“Once the system is in place, it means it will be very difficult to remove and it is an irreversible situation,” said Bojan Perkov of the Belgrade-based SHARE Foundation, which promotes human rights and freedoms online.

Griffeye did not respond to a request for comment, but its website says the software is intended to support investigators working on cases involving the sexual abuse of children. SHARE’s Filip Milosevic said it is a threat to privacy.

“Quick, easy and complete insight into the life of each individual,” Milosevic told BIRN.

“Such tools create very detailed profiles of individuals by crossing absolutely all their existing digital information. This can be information owned by the state, and the police can get access – traffic, cameras, financial system, health, social – complemented by data that citizens leave as a digital trace using devices and the Internet, such as Internet searches, site visits, applications, profiles on social networks, history of shopping, movements, interaction with other people.”

Election Hostilities Shake Serbia and Hungary

Political clashes, smear campaigns and attacks on political opponents dominated the election campaign period in Serbia and Hungary in the second half of March.

Ahead of general elections held on April 3 in both Hungary and Serbia, online incidents of political rivalry and nationalist propaganda were also recorded. Hungary also saw an increase in cases of homophobia in the lead-up to the controversial referendum on LGBTQ+ gay rights.

In Bosnia and Herzegovina, meanwhile, media and TV reporters received threats and other offensive gestures from political figures in the Alliance of Independent Social Democrats, SNSD, the main Bosnian Serb party. In North Macedonia and Romania, where nationalist rhetoric is on the rise, more clashes occurred between ruling parties and political opponents.

Elections in Hungary and Serbia stimulate tensions

National elections were held on April 3 in both Hungary and Serbia. In Serbia, the parliamentary election coincided with presidential and local elections in 12 municipalities, including the capital, Belgrade.

Hungary went to the polls to elect a new parliament and cast votes in a controversial government-initiated referendum on LGBTQ+ rights.

Serbia’s main opposition parties, according to earlier polls, had little chance of beating the ruling Progressive Party-Socialist Party coalition and struggled to be heard.

In the event, President Aleksandar Vucic and his Serbian Progressive Party, SNS, secured an easy victory in the presidential and parliamentary elections.

After Vucic’s main presidential rival, Zdravko Ponos, a retired general and former diplomat, appeared on the political talk show of Serbia, “Utisak Nedelje” (“Impression of the Week”), some voters speculated that Ponos might snatch away the votes from the SNS and represent a break with the past conduct of the opposition.


Incumbent Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic speaks during his pre-election rally in Belgrade, Serbia, 31 March 2022. Serbia will be holding general elections on 03 April 2022. Photo: EPA-EFE/ANDREJ CUKIC

In a case recorded on March 18, the YouTube channel of Nacionalna Televizija Happy (National TV Happy), a privately-owned TV channel in Serbia with national coverage, removed a video from its morning programme that featured a heated political debate involving the political analyst Boban Stojanović.

In the show, Stojanović, criticising the economic policy of the ruling SNS, asked his interlocutors if they knew how much salaries had risen since the fall of former leader Slobodan Milosevic in 1999, noting that the current salaries in Serbia were the lowest ever, since then.

In Hungary, tensions and partisan attacks ahead of the parliamentary elections were no less fierce than in Serbia.

Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party again won the election, and he is about to start his fourth successive term as prime minister.

In his victory speech, Orban criticised Brussels bureaucrats and Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky, calling them “opponents”.

[Zelensky has criticised Hungary’s refusal to unequivocally condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, or allow lethal weapons destined for Ukraine to cross Hungary.]

Smear campaigns and attacks on political opponents, which most likely will continue in the post-election period, were Fidesz’s trademark in the run-up to the elections.

On March 15, Fidesz’s political rivals were targeted by the Hungarian state news agency MTI which took a photo of an opposition rally before the demonstration had actually begun.

The photo showed far fewer people than were later present at the event. Several newspapers, on the basis of this photo, said that very few people attended the demonstration, and some reported wrongly that the planned march was cancelled for this reason.

In another episode on March 22, the government sent an election campaign letter using the email addresses people had submitted to register for COVID vaccinations. The email, which attacked both the EU and the opposition, read that, “some Brussels leaders want to punish Russia at all costs, and they also want punitive measures that would place an additional unpaid burden on the shoulders of European citizens, including Hungarians”.

Justice Minister Judit Varga, echoing the government’s anti-EU campaign, also claimed incorrectly that Hungary did not receive any EU help in “stopping migration” in a post published on Facebook last March 23.

Homophobia surges ahead of disputed referendum

The Fidesz-sponsored referendum on LGBTQ+ rights, which coincided with the date of the general elections, also prompted numerous violations in the Hungarian digital space.


A ballot paper is stamped by an election official at a polling station during the general election and national referendum on the child protection law in Budapest, Hungary, 03 April 2022. Photo: EPA-EFE/Zoltan

Although the referendum failed to become binding, as less than half of those entitled to vote cast ballots, the rights of the LGBTQ+ community in the country will likely remain under threat following Fidesz’s landslide election victory.

Following a case in early March, in which the szentkoronaradio.hu website published a list of names and photos of teachers who have supported LGBTQ+ rights, other incidents have occurred.

On March 23, CitizenGO Hungary, a local branch of a far-right advocacy group founded in Madrid, and the website vasárnap.hu, a portal linked to the junior ruling KDNP party, published homophobic articles linking homosexuality with paedophilia.

Vasárnap.hu also launched an appeal for people to go to the polls in the referendum, claiming that laws on the protection of children in Hungary were inadequate, and that the demands of LGBT rights groups were unfounded.

Reporters threatened and insulted in Bosnia

In 2016, after Bosnian Security Minister Dragan Mektic’s hearing in court, BIRN confirmed the opening of an investigation into Pavlovica Banka, a bank based in Bosnia’s Serb-dominated entity, Republika Srpska, concerning a loan that Bosnian Serb leader Milorad Dodik took out to buy a villa in the Serbian capital, Belgrade.

After several years, the case continues to occupy space in the public debate and online.


Moilorad Dodik, Chairman of Bosnian Presidency (L), and Zeljko Komsic (R), member of Bosnian Presicency, attend a press conference after a meeting with Slovenian President Borut Pahor (not pictured) in Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, 05 March 2021. Photo: EPA-EFE/FEHIM DEMIR

On March 22, after giving a statement to the Prosecutor’s Office about his purchase of the villa, Dodik showed his middle finger to journalists from his car. After the picture of the offensive gesture went viral, Dodik later apologized, saying he had over-reacted after he recognized a television team that he thought was leading a media hunt against him.

Media journalists were also targeted in another case recorded on March 26, when Rajko Vasić a member of the main board and former secretary of Dodik’s SNSD, threatened on Twitter to blow up the television building of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian Radio Television, BHRT.

BHRT owes large debts to the tax administration of Bosnia’s Federation entity. For these reasons, its accounts are blocked, and it faces complete suspension.

Commenting on its difficult financial situation, Vasić, said he would “blow up” the TV building “if others were ashamed to do so”. In response, Damir Arnaut, an MP in the Bosnian parliament and a member of the Party for a Better Future, filed a complaint with the authorities, accusing Vasić of terrorism.

Fake news targets North Macedonian officials

After last year’s political crisis, partisan attacks still mark the current scenario in North Macedonia. In Romania, similarly, clashes between the ruling party and its opponents mixed with a rise in populist and nationalist rhetoric dominate both institutional and online domains.

On March 25, two North Macedonian officials, public prosecutor Fatime Fetai and Justice Minister Nikola Tupanchevski, were targeted with fake news published in several news portals regarding their trip to Palermo for a football match between Italy and North Macedonia.


Aleksandar Trajkovski (L) of North Macedonia celebrates after scoring during the FIFA World Cup Qatar 2022 play-off qualifying soccer match between Italy and North Macedonia at the Renzo Barbera stadium in Palermo, Sicily, Italy, 24 March 2022. Photo: EPA-EFE/CARMELO

Online media and various journalists claimed that Fetai and Tupanchevski were there on a state-sponsored trip and that their costs were covered by North Macedonia’s Football Federation. Both denied the claims and stated that they personally paid for their trips.

In Romania, parliament on March 14 passed a controversial law making incitement of political-based discrimination a crime. A person found guilty of this may now be sentenced from six months to three years in jail.

It was the second time the law came before parliament. An earlier version was turned back by the Constitutional Court, after a complaint launched by Romania’s President. This time too, a constitutional complaint against the new version of the law was initiated by the Union to Save Romania party. “It’s obvious that this law can give authorities the idea of opening criminal cases against political opponents. But the old law could also have been used in such a way,” commented Diana Hatneanu, a lawyer at the Association for the Defence of Human Rights in Romania – the Helsinki Committee.

Serbia Sees Rise in Lawsuits to Silence Media and Activists: Report

Between 2010 and 2020 in Serbia, at least 26 civil lawsuits were brought against journalists, media outlets, civil society organisations and activists as a result of their efforts to monitor rights violations, says a report published on Wednesday by international human rights group Article 19, the ABA Centre for Human Rights, and the Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia, NUNS.

The lawsuits included defamation cases against publications and the authors of articles and social media posts that exposed or criticised the apparent misuse of public funds and official malfeasance. More than half of these cases were brought between 2018 and 2020.

Such legal actions – so-called strategic lawsuits against public participation or SLAPPs – are brought to harass or subdue an adversary and prevent the exercise of fundamental rights, the report says.

Those targeted by costly civil lawsuits are often ill-equipped to defend themselves, while the danger of being confronted with damages and liability for defamation creates a chilling effect and prevents them from reporting on matters of public concern, according to the report.

Most of the 22 lawsuits analysed in the report were brought against journalists and media organisations, while four cases were brought against environmental activists and organisations, and one case against a non-governmental organisation which revealed apparent connections between a public official and war crimes.

“Journalists, media outlets and activists are facing abusive lawsuits [SLAPPs] for investigating corruption or exposing abuses of power and links between political elites and criminal groups. In light of the upcoming parliamentary elections in April, it is crucial that politicians acknowledge the dire consequences of legal harassment against journalists and openly denounce any attempt to impede their work,” Roberta Taveri, programme officer at Article 19, told BIRN.

“Both national and international actors in Serbia must play a crucial role to stop the curb of SLAPPs against independent media and enact a comprehensive system to discourage such abusive lawsuits to be initiated. We call for the alignment of key national laws’ provisions with international freedom of expression standards and for the judiciary to apply these standards in their rulings,” Taveri added.

The report shows that the majority of cases were initiated by a small number of politicians and high-level public officials in an individual capacity. These individuals also brought multiple cases against different journalists and activists.

At the same time, Serbian courts failed to apply international and regional standards that require that public officials must tolerate a greater level of criticism and intrusion into their rights due to their official positions, according to the reports.

Serbia’s Media Law and Law on Contracts and Torts allow people to sue to defend themselves from attacks on their honour or trustworthiness, but these terms can be interpreted flexibly to suit the authorities’ needs, including in order to prevent criticism, the report claims.

It argues that Serbian courts allow individuals to sue for reputational damage if they are subjected to “offensive speech”, even if no actual harm was done to their reputation.

“In cases of public officials and figures, the courts give decisive weight to alleged mental anguish caused to the plaintiff even if the actual harm to their reputation is unsubstantiated,” the report says.

“When assessing reputational harm, Serbian courts often fail to require plaintiffs to demonstrate both the falsity of the impugned statement and that it caused harm to their reputation. Often, the courts are satisfied that the statement simply caused mental distress to the plaintiff,” it adds.

The research also shows that in several cases, plaintiffs filed multiple suits against the same media or campaigners over several stories on the same topic, requiring them to engage in lengthy, extensive and costly litigation.

For instance, in 2018, Nenad Popovic, then Minister for Innovation and Technology, filed four defamation lawsuits under the Media Law against the Crime and Corruption Reporting Network, KRIK, in response to a 2018 article entitled ‘Serbian Citizens in Paradise Papers’.

KRIK published four articles with factual information such as Popovic’s business dealings, offshore assets and partnerships contained in the so-called Paradise Papers leak of information about the offshore holdings of politicians and others.

Popovic accused KRIK of publishing politically motivated, unsubstantiated articles. He filed four lawsuits, one per article, asking for one million dinars (about 8,500 euros) to compensate for the damage to his reputation caused by each of them.

Although all four lawsuits were filed in the same court, arising from the same set of facts and involving the same legal issues, the proceedings were not consolidated.

Even where defamation cases are ultimately dismissed – either in the first instance or appeal – journalists, the media and activists have to invest time and resources into their legal defence, the report explains.

The proceedings typically stretch over a long period of time – for instance, at least five completed cases were in the courts for five or more years.

In the cases reviewed for the report, journalists and human rights defenders have been required to pay between 850 and 4,657 euros in compensation.

If they lose, they are also responsible for the plaintiff’s legal fees, which cost an average of 204 to 510 euros. These are considerable amounts because the average monthly salary in Serbia is about 510 euros.

The amount of damages might not be a prohibitive amount for large media organisations, but it represents a substantial cost to small independent media organisations, and it is even more burdensome for activists and freelance journalists, the report says.

Many defendants are often unable to continue to carry out their work at the same rate due to the time and resources that they have to devote to the proceedings, it adds.

On the positive side, the report finds that Serbian legislation provides some specific safeguards against violations of the right to freedom of expression in defamation cases brought against the media.

For instance, the Media Law sets a shorter statute of limitation in cases against the media (six months from the date of the publication) compared to other civil law cases (three years from the time of alleged offence).

The Media Law also puts the burden of proof on plaintiffs who have to prove that defendants caused harm to their reputation, and that this has resulted in material or non-material damage.

Internet Freedom Continues to Decline in Turkey: Report

A new report published by international rights organisation Freedom House on Tuesday says that global internet freedom has declined for the 11th consecutive year.

“More governments arrested users for nonviolent political, social, or religious speech than ever before. Officials suspended internet access in at least 20 countries, and 21 states blocked access to social media platforms,” says the report entitled Freedom on the Net 2021.

The report highlights how countries seeking to restrict users’ rights have clashed with technology companies. One of them was Turkey, which the report lists as ‘not free’.

“It is possible to see increasing digital pressure in the last ten years in the report. This report shows us that the space of freedom is declining not only in Turkey but also around the world,” Gurkan Ozturan, Media Freedom Rapid Response Coordinator at the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom, who and one of the authors of the report, told BIRN.

Turkey’s digital rights law, which came into effect in October 2020, says that platforms with over a million daily users are required to remove content deemed “offensive” by the Turkish authorities within 48 hours of being notified, or risk escalating penalties including fines, advertising bans, and limitations on bandwidth.

“The law reduced social media companies’ ability to resist requests from Turkish authorities that are designed to further censor opposition voices, independent journalism, and nonviolent expression,” the report says.

The report also highlights problems with online freedoms in Hungary and Serbia, although both countries are listed as being ‘free’.

It says that pro-government commentators manipulate online discussions in Turkey, Serbia and Hungary.

Blogger or internet users have been arrested or imprisoned, or held in prolonged detention, for posting political or social material in Turkey and Serbia, the report says.

Some have been physically attacked in Turkey, where government critics and human rights organisations have been subjected to technical attacks.

Meanwhile, as the booming surveillance industry has allowed governments around the world to monitor private communications, the report points out that Hungary is one of the countries where spyware has allegedly been used against journalists.

“Pegasus spyware compromised the phones of two investigative journalists who reported on corruption and the Hungarian government’s relations with foreign states,” the report says.

Twitter Labels Numerous Media Accounts in Serbia ‘State Affiliated’

Twitter has started to label accounts belonging to various pro-government media in Serbia as state-affiliated media.

Among those it deems affiliated with Serbia’s government are the dailies Srpski Telegraf, Kurir, Informer, Politika, and three free-to-air channels – Happy, Prva TV and B92, RTV Pink’s online portal, as well as the news agency Tanjug.

The label appears on the profile page of the Twitter account and on the Tweets sent by and shared from these accounts. Labels contain information about the country the account is affiliated with and whether it is operated by a government representative or is a state-affiliated media entity. 

These labels include a small icon of a flag to signal the account’s status as a government account and a podium for state-affiliated media. In the case of state-affiliated media entities, Twitter will not recommend or amplify accounts or their Tweets with these labels to people.

As noted in Twitter’s rules and regulations, Twitter defines state-affiliated media as “outlets where the state exercises control over editorial content through financial resources, direct or indirect political pressures, and/or control over production and distribution.”

None of the media affected has yet reacted publicly to the new rule.

Although the media in question are widely perceived as pro-government due to their highly positive reporting on the government and sharp criticism of the opposition, it is not clear what steps Twitter took to determine whether they fit the criteria. BIRN has asked Twitter about the methodology it used but has not received a reply by the time of publication.


The “Serbia state-affiliated media” label is visible on the pro-government media Twitter page. Photo: Screenshot/Twitter.com

Twitter announced it will start labelling state-affiliated accounts in August 2020, and a number of accounts linked to governments across the world have been labelled since then. However, Serbia is the first country in the Balkan region to be added to this list.

Serbia’s public broadcaster, Radio Television of Serbia, RTS, and Radio Television of Vojvodina, RTV, are among those whose accounts are also labelled state-affiliated. 

Twitter said it draws a distinction between state-affiliated broadcasters and those working more independently like the BBC.

“State-financed media organizations with editorial independence, like the BBC in the UK or NPR in the US for example, are not defined as state-affiliated media for the purposes of this policy,” it said.

​​Currently, besides Serbia, labels appear on relevant Twitter accounts from China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, the United States, Canada, Germany, Italy, Japan, Cuba, Ecuador, Egypt, Honduras, Indonesia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Spain, Thailand, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates.

Last year, Twitter deleted 8,558 accounts engaged in “inauthentic coordinated activity” – some 43 million tweets criticising the Serbian opposition, independent media and individuals critical of president Aleksandar Vucic and his Progressive Party rule.

BIRN analysis showed that before it was removed, a network of accounts in the service of Serbia’s ruling Progressive Party found its way into the pages of pro-government tabloids, such as Informer and Kurir, disguised as the “voice of the people”.

Serbia ‘Misused’ Money Laundering Laws to Target Critics, Reuters Reports

Serbia is among several countries that have misused legislation passed to meet Financial Action Task Force, FATF, standards to combat money laundering and terrorism financing to investigate critical voices and NGOs, Reuters reported on Thursday.

According to Reuters, in Uganda, Serbia, India, Tanzania, and Nigeria, the legislation was “used by authorities to investigate journalists, NGO workers, and lawyers”.

“Through constant assessments of countries’ measures, the FATF plays a little-known but key role in shaping financial crime legislation and in dictating governments’ security priorities,” the news agency explained. “Across the globe, it has strengthened laws to crack down on money laundering and terrorist financing.”

“But by pressuring nations with weak democratic frameworks to adopt and bolster such laws, the FATF has unwittingly handed a new legal instrument to authoritarian governments, according to a dozen researchers at think tanks and human rights groups,” it added.

Reuters cited Tom Keatinge, director of the Centre for Financial Crime at the Royal United Services Institute in London, as saying that FATF standards “are increasingly not just being misunderstood, but are being purposefully abused”.

When it comes to Serbia, Reuters recalled a request that the Finance Ministry’s Administration for the Prevention of Money Laundering made to banks in July 2020.

This was to provide “client data on some 50 NGOs and media outlets known for criticizing what they consider to be President Aleksandar Vucic’s increasingly autocratic rule”. The list included Balkan Investigative Reporting Network, BIRN, and a number of BIRN employees.

Reuters further reported that, “after news of the letter leaked, Finance Minister Sinisa Mali told a local television channel the intelligence unit was ‘doing its job’ and the data requests shouldn’t be a problem for the targets ‘if nothing is hidden’”.

No individuals have been charged so far as a result of these probes, Reuters reported.

Reuters reported that Maja Stojanovic, director of Serbia’s nonprofit Civic Initiatives, which was named in the letter, told the news agency she believes the Serbian government is using the data for smear campaigns to undermine NGOs’ work.

“When Stojanovic and other targeted NGOs consulted the banks about the requests, the banks said they couldn’t disclose what information they shared with authorities”, the news agency reported.

Reuters said it asked three of the banks, Banca Intesa Beograd, OTP banka Srbija, and Erste Group Bank, to comment, all of whom declined to do so.

Serbia’s Pro-Govt Media Link KRIK Investigators to Crime Gang

Several pro-government tabloids on Friday ran front pages linking the widely respected investigative media portal KRIK to a brutal gang whose key members have been arrested and charged with murder, torture and drug trafficking.

The tabloid Informer accused KRIK of having “fired the first bullet” at the Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic, suggesting that it had jeopardized Vucic’s safety in cooperation with the gang. Another pro-government tabloid, Objektiv, called KRIK “a mafia-slaughtering” organization.

The media campaign started after KRIK on Thursday published news quoting an alleged official statement that Veljko Belivuk, a leader of the “Principi” gang gave to the prosecution.

In it, Belivuk claimed he did many favours to the current regime, including breaking up protests of taxi drivers, preventing violence at the Pride parade, and stopping chants against Vucic at football games.

Belivuk said he also met Vucic once in person and other ruling party members.

The President afterwards denied he had ever met Belivuk, saying that he was willing to go to jail and pay for his time spent there if that turned out to be true.

KRIK editor Stevan Dojcinovic said on Friday that the article he published was carefully written, emphasizing that Belivuk could not be completely trusted, but that his allegations coincided with some things that were known in the past.

“We knew that this criminal group had strong connections in the police and politics, we knew that the government controlled the stands at the Partizan FC stadium through the Belivuk group, we knew about some things before,” Dojcinovic said, adding that they had not published all of Belivuk’s claims but only key matters of public interest.

“They called me personally and KRIK many names, but I have never seen such a sick and brutal statement, which shows that they are in great fear,” Dojcinovic added of his media assailants.

The gang’s connections to state officials, including a former senior police official and the current general secretary of the Progressive Party-led government, are documented.

Some members of the group formed part of the security detail at President Vucic’s inauguration in 2017, where they were caught on camera manhandling journalists.

Vucic’s 23- year-old son, Danilo, was photographed several times with various gang members. A KRIK journalist, Bojana Pavlovic, had her phone snatched away, to which police did not intervene, after she pictured the President’s son with members of the gang in June 2020.

However, after the arrest of Belivuk’s group in February, pro-government tabloids started publishing hostile stories about the gang along with material leaked from the police investigation.

Smear campaigns against KRIK and connecting it with members of the gang are also not new. Pro-government media in March this year also linked KRIK with Belivuk’s group, although KRIK, among some other Serbian investigative media, was the only one publishing stories about him and his gang.

KRIK is a non-profit organisation that for years has been engaged in exposing crime and corruption and has received many awards for its work.

It is part of the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project, OCCRP, an international non-profit organisation that is a consortium of investigative centers and independent media in 20 countries around the world.

Turkish Group Hacks Serbian State Website in Srebrenica Protest

A Turkish group called Cyber Warrior Tim Akincilar hacked the Serbian Public Debt Administration’s website on Friday in what appeared to be a protest against Serbia’s denial of the Srebrenica genocide.

On the Public Debt Administration site’s front page, the hackers posted a photograph of a hall full of coffins and the number 8372 – a reference to the number of Bosniaks killed by Bosnian Serb forces in the Srebrenica genocide in July 1995, Serbian news website 021 reported.

Over the photo were the words “Unutmadik”, Turkish for “We haven’t forgotten”. This was also a reference to a quote by the first Bosnian President Alija Izetbegovic, who said: “Do not forget genocide, because a forgotten genocide will be repeated.”

The photo posted by the hackers was taken down and the Public Debt Administration site was functioning normally again on Friday afternoon.

The Serbian authorities do not accept that the massacres and deportations of Bosniaks from Srebrenica constituted genocide, despite the rulings of international courts.

Hacking group Cyber Warrior Tim Akincilar states on its website that it was founded in 2001 and fights “attacks on our faith and moral values, actions against our state and our country, and events that negatively affect society and the public conscience”.

It has often been reported that Cyber Warrior Tim Akincilar is related to Turkish nationalist groups, while ‘Akincilar’ refers to the Ottoman army’s vanguard units.

In previous years, the hackers have attacked the websites of various Greek authorities, such as Greece’s Foreign Ministry in September 2020, but also sites belonging to the Dutch government in 2018 and the sites of some government institutions in Egypt in 2019, when these countries had disagreements with Turkish government.

In 2011, they hacked the website of French satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo after it controversially published caricatures of the Prophet Muhammad.

So far, the UN tribunal in The Hague and Balkan courts have sentenced a total of 48 people to more than 700 years in prison, plus five life sentences, for Srebrenica crimes.

The most recent was former Bosnian Serb Army chief Ratko Mladic, who was jailed for life for genocide and other wartime crimes last month.

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