From Algorithms to Headlines: Ethical Issues in AI-driven Reporting

In the age of the digital revolution, where artificial intelligence, AI, intertwines with our daily lives, a profound ethical dilemma has arisen. This dilemma has shaken the foundations of truth, especially in the realm of media reporting. This specter goes by many names, but we commonly know it as “fake news”.

AI significantly facilitates all aspects of people’s daily and business lives but also brings challenges. Some ethical issues arising from the development and application of AI are alignment, responsibility, bias and discrimination, job loss, data privacy, security, deepfakes, trust, and lack of transparency.

AI has tremendously impacted various sectors and industries, including media and journalism. It has created different tools for automating routine tasks that save time and enhance the accuracy and efficiency of news reporting, content creation, and personalizing content for individual readers, enhancing ad campaigns and marketing strategies.I

At the same time, AI poses enormous ethical challenges, such as privacy and transparency and deepfakes. Lack of transparency leads to biased or inaccurate reporting, undermining public trust in the media. There’s the question of truth: How do we discern fact from fabrication in an age where AI can craft stories so convincingly real? Further, there’s the matter of agency: Are we, as consumers of news, becoming mere pawns in a giant game of AI-driven agendas?

There are several studies examining public perception of these issues. Research done at the University of Delaware finds that most Americans support the development of AI but also favor regulating the technology. Experiences with media and technology are linked to positive views of AI, and messages about the technology shape opinions toward it.

Most Americans are worried that the technology will be used to spread fake and harmful content online (70 per cent). In Serbia a study has been conducted of public attitudes towards AI within the research project Ethics and AI: Ethics and Public Attitudes towards the use of AI.

The results showed that although most respondents have heard of AI, 4 per cent of them do not know anything about AI. Respondents with more knowledge about AI also have more positive attitudes towards its use. It has been shown that people are more informed about AI through the media compared to being informed about this topic through education and profession.

To the statement, “I am afraid that AI will increasingly be used to create fake content (video, audio, photos), and that there is digital manipulation,” 15.2 per cent gave a positive answer, while 62.4 per cent gave a negative response (22.4 per cent are neutral about this question). These results suggest a need to educate the public about potential challenges and ways to prevent them.

Grappling with AI’s Dual Role in Shaping and Skewing News


Illustration: Unsplash.com

According to the Cambridge Dictionary, fake news is defined as false stories that appear to be news spread on the internet or using other media, usually created to influence political views, or as a joke. The Oxford English Dictionary defines fake news as false news stories, often of a sensational nature, designed to be widely shared or distributed to generate revenue or promote or discredit a public figure, political movement, company, etc. Fake news often has propaganda, satire, parody, or manipulation elements.

Other forms of fake news are misleading content, false context, impostor, manipulated, or fabricated content. Fake news has increased on the internet, especially on social media. After the 2016 US elections, fake news dominated the internet. In May this year, posts about the death of the American billionaire George Soros on social media turned out to be fake news.

There is ongoing active research on numerous tactics to combat fake news. Authorities in both autocratic and democratic countries are establishing regulations and legally mandated controls for social media platforms and internet search engines. Google and Facebook introduced new measures to tackle fake news, while the BBC and the UK’s Channel 4 have established fact-checking sites. In Serbia, there is FakeNews Tracker, a portal that searches for inaccurate and manipulative information. The portal is dedicated to the fight against disinformation in media that publish content in the Serbian language.

The mission of the FakeNews Tracker is to encourage the strengthening of media integrity and fact-based journalism. When you see suspicious news, you can report it through the form on their page, after which they check the news. If they find it fake, they publish an analysis. In neighbouring Croatia, a similar fact-checking media organization is Faktograf.

On the individual level, we need to develop critical thinking and be careful when sharing information. Digital media literacy and developing skills to evaluate information critically are essential for anyone searching the internet, especially for young people. Confirmation bias can seriously distort reasoning, particularly in polarised societies.

How AI is Reshaping the Balkan Media Landscape

How does AI shape fake news? AI can be used to generate, filter, and discover fake news. AI’s power to simulate reality, generate human-like texts, and even fabricate audiovisual content has enabled fake news to flourish at an unprecedented rate. There are fake news generators and fake news trackers.

A recent example of the first usage was the news about Serbia ordering 20,000 Shahed drones from Iran, which AI entirely generated. It was then published by some major and credible media outlets. Bosnian media published this news under the headline “Serbia is arming itself”. It turned out that AI made a mistake. Serbia’s Deputy Foreign Minister Aleksić did visit Tehran and met his Iranian counterpart Ali Bagheri. However, there was no information about Serbia ordering Shahed drones. Another example is deepfake, a video of a person whose face or body has been digitally altered to appear to be someone else, typically used maliciously or to spread false information.

Previously, the victims included Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin, and recently, Serbia’s Freedom and Justice Party president, Dragan Đilas. The owner of Serbia’s Pink TV, Željko Mitrović, created a satire with the help of AI technology in which Đilas is a guest on the show Utisak Nedelje and pronounces fictional content generated by deepfake technology. The problem is that the fabricated statements were shown in Pink’s evening news bulletin (Nacionalni dnevnik) without the audience being adequately informed that it was a satirical fabricated speech while it was running. This is an example of misuse of AI.

Announcing a series of legal measures against the owner of Pink, including a lawsuit, Đilas appealed for the new regulation to prohibit the editing of such recordings because they contradict the fundamental guarantees of the European Convention on Human Rights and the Personal Data Protection Act. He also pointed out that this is very dangerous and that the statements of state representatives can be falsified in the same way, endangering the entire country.

AI, with its labyrinthine algorithms and deep learning capabilities, can shape our perceptions more than any propaganda leaflet or radio broadcast of yesteryears.

AI in the media can also detect and filter fake news. Deep learning AI tools are now being used to source and fact-check a story to identify fake news. One example is Google’s Search Algorithm, designed to stop the spread of fake news and hate speech. Websites are fed into an intelligent algorithm to scan the sources and predict the most accurate and trustworthy versions of stories.


Illustration: Unsplash.com

Why should the Balkans care? This region, marked by its tumultuous history, fragile relationships between these countries, and diverse ethnic tapestry, is especially vulnerable. AI-driven disinformation can easily rekindle past animosities or deepen current ones. Recent incidents in Serbia, where AI-generated stories incited unnecessary panic, are poignant reminders. Furthermore, the Balkans, like the rest of the world, face a constant battle over media trust. A single AI-generated yet convincingly real misinformation campaign can erode already waning trust in genuine news outlets.

This debate raises the question: Is freedom of speech more important than the potential for harming fake news and deceptions? I would vote for freedom of speech, but speech that is informed and veridical.

To tackle this, we need strategies:

  1. Enhanced Media Literacy and Education: Educational institutions across Serbia and its neighbours should integrate media literacy into their curricula. As a part of school curricula and community workshops across the Balkans, media literacy can arm the population with the critical thinking tools needed in this digital age. By teaching individuals to critically evaluate sources, question narratives, and understand the basics of AI operations, we’re equipping them with tools to discern the real from the unreal.
  2. Transparent Algorithms: The algorithms behind AI-driven platforms, especially those in the media space, should be transparent. This way, experts and the public can scrutinize and understand the mechanics behind information dissemination.
  3. Ethical AI Development: AI developers in Serbia and globally need to embed ethical considerations into their creations.
  4. Regulatory Mechanisms: While over-regulation can stifle innovation, a balanced approach where AI in media is subjected to ethical guidelines can ensure its positive use.
  5. Collaborative Monitoring: Regional collaboration can create a unified front against fake news. Media outlets across the Balkans can join forces to fact-check, verify sources, and authenticate news, thereby ensuring a cleaner information environment.
  6. Public-Private Partnerships: Tech companies and news agencies can forge alliances to detect and combat fake news. With tech giants with vast resources and advanced AI tools, such partnerships can form the first line of defense against AI-driven misinformation.

It is evident that AI will be shaping the future of media and journalism. The challenges AI poses in media reporting, particularly in the propagation of fake news, are significant but not insurmountable. Finding the proper equilibrium between maximizing AI’s advantages and minimizing its possible dangers is essential. This necessitates continuous dialogue and cooperation among journalists, tech experts, and policymakers.

With a harmonized blend of education, transparency, ethical AI practices, and collaborative efforts, Serbia and the entire Balkan region can navigate their way through the shadows of this digital cave, ensuring that truth remains luminous and inviolable.

Marina Budić is a Research Assistant at the Institute of Social Sciences in Belgrade. She is a philosopher (ethicist), and she conducted a funded research project, Ethics, and AI: Ethics and public attitudes towards the use of artificial intelligence in Serbia, and presented her project at the AAAI/ACM Conference on AI, Ethics, and Society (AIES) at Oxford University 2022.

The opinions expressed are those of the author only and do not necessarily reflect the views of BIRN.

Rita Ora’s Serbian Flag ‘Incident’ Generates Hate Storm on Social Media

BIRN has observed social media over the past two days and has identified multiple digital rights violations in social media comments on singer Rita Ora’s performance at the SZIN Festival in Hungary, where she was captured dancing on stage inadvertently holding a Serbian flag.

During her performance at the festival, a fan threw a Serbian flag onto the stage. Amid the bright lights and energetic performance, she briefly waved the flag before continuing her act.

In a statement to Kosovo’s online media, Ora clarified that the flag was given to her by a fan, and she was unaware of its origins due to stage lighting.

She said: “I could not clearly see which country the flag represented. As soon as I left the stage, I realised that it was a Serbian flag, not a Hungarian one.” She emphasised her pride as a Kosovar Albanian and clarified that disrespecting her heritage or upsetting her people was not her intention.

However, the gesture, borne out of the heat of the moment, still generated a cascade of reactions in both Albania and Croatia. While some rallied behind Ora, acknowledging that mistakes can occur in the dynamic world of live performances, others accused the singer of disregarding her Kosovo-Albanian roots.

Former Kosovo ambassador to the US Vlora Çitaku commended her role in promoting Kosovo internationally, emphasising her efforts in situations where diplomatic channels have faced hurdles.

However, under a tweet from kos_data, many users commented with insults and scepticism. Some reacted with humour, while others referenced a song by rapper A$AP Rocky that mentioned Rita Ora, questioning if it caused any discomfort within her family.

Certain users expressed confusion or dismissal, using phrases like “Oopsie daisy” and “Lame excuse”. Others asked whether the act could be seen as disrespectful to her heritage. There were also comments reflecting national pride and support, with one user celebrating the action and another pointing out her popularity in Serbia.

On Facebook and TikTok, numerous posts used derogatory terms, however, such as “whore”. One wrote on Facebook: “What you see is Rita Ora, the ambassador of Kosovo, waving the Serbian flag at the concert held last night in Hungary! I want [Kosovo PM] Albin Kurti to take measures immediately and dismiss her from any symbolic or official function to represent the state of Kosovo, as this is stepping on the thousands of killed, raped, disappeared, on our collective memory”.

Many commenters stated that Kosovo only seems to support individuals like her and gays, questioning the government’s priorities. Other insults attempted to tie Ora’s motivation to money, therefore seeing these acts as “not surprising”. There were other calls for her to be stripped of her title as the symbolic ambassador of the Republic of Kosovo.

Albanian, Croatian, online realm on fire

The online realm in Albania has been set ablaze following the circulation of a video by online media outlet JOQ on their official Instagram page. Dozens of individuals have taken to social media, with some resorting to offensive language and accusations directed.

Among the comments, some assert that she has forgotten her origins and made a grave mistake, even branding her as a traitor. Others suggest that Ora might not have been able to recognise the flag’s origin amidst the performance’s dynamics.

The incident has reverberated strongly in Croatia as well, as reported by the online media Index and 24sata. Her swift apology for unintentionally holding the Serbian flag found receptive ears among her Hungarian supporters. But the online response from Croatia has been more critical, with derogatory comments and harsh accusations on Twitter.

While some comments seemed to question her intelligence or motives, others veered into inappropriate and unrelated territory.

Some comments read: “Intelligence at Its Best”, “You can tell by her face how she recognizes flags”, “I’d like an intimate encounter with Rita Ora and Dua Lipa”, “Idiot”, and: “When money and popularity are at stake, flags and nations no longer matter.”

US ‘Concerned’ by Turkey’s Threat to Silence VOA Turkish

The US State Department said the US is “deeply concerned” by the Turkish media regulatory body’s decision to block Voice of America’s Turkish service if it fails to apply for a government licence in 72 hours.

“We call on Turkey to fulfill its obligations and commitments to respect fundamental freedom of expression,” the State Department told VOA Turkish on Tuesday.

The Radio and Television Supreme Council, RTUK, the government agency for monitoring and regulation TV and radio broadcasts, on Tuesday issued a threat to ban VOA Turkish, which is registered with voaturkce.com, formerly known as amerikaninsesi.com, which Turkey had blocked access to in June 2022 due to the website’s failure to apply for a license.

RTUK has given VOA Turkish a 72-hour deadline to apply for a license. If the news outlet does not submit an application, access to voaturkce.com will also be blocked.

In its announcement, RTUK referred to voaturkce.com as an “internet domain name where broadcasting service is provided without obtaining an internet broadcasting license.”

“Respect for freedom of expression is enshrined in Turkey’s constitution and international commitments and obligations,” the US State Department added.

The RTUK says its decision is based on a regulation aiming to increase government controls on online media that was published in the Turkish Official Gazette on August 1, 2019.

Under the regulation, digital platforms and video broadcasting organizations fall under the supervision of RTUK. The regulation has led RTÜK to require organisations to pay fees for licenses. As a result, broadcasting organisations have been forced to remove content deemed inappropriate by RTUK.

In February 2022, RTUK said that Turkish services of VOA, News of the US, Euronews of France and Deutche Welle of Germany, DW, must apply for licences to continue their broadcasts in Turkey.

Euronews compiled with the decision but VOA Turkish and DW Turkish did not apply for licences and did not remove any content that was demanded by the RTUK.

RTUK later fined VOA Turkish and DW Turkish. DW Turkish remains blocked in Turkey. VOA Turkish changed its domain from amerikaninsesi.com to voaturkce.com, and now risks being blocked by the RTUK if it fails to apply for a licence as of Friday.

“It is not possible for VOA to comply with any guidelines aimed at enabling censorship,” VOA Turkish said in a press statement on Tuesday.

Turkish Media Repression Intensifies with New Erdogan Mandate

In the wake of devastating twin earthquakes in February, and with May elections fast approaching, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan issued a warning to critics of his government in the media coverage of its response to the crisis: “We will never forget them”.

Data from the Mapping Media Freedom project of the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom, ECPMF, suggest that Erdogan, having turned the tables on the opposition, has kept his word when it comes to Turkish journalists.

Of 154 violations of media freedom reported in Turkey since the start of 2023, 48, or almost a third, have come since the May elections won by Erdogan and his Justice and Development Party, AKP.

Europe-wide, the ECPMF has registered 671 violations so far this year, meaning Erdogan’s Turkey alone accounts for almost one quarter. This year’s tally of 154 violations so far compares with 33 for the whole of 2020, 92 in 2021, and 167 in 2022.

According to Gurkan Ozturan, project coordinator of Media Freedom Rapid Response at the ECPMF, “in 2023 we have observed a spike in censorship with a steep increase in the number of access blocking orders since the beginning of the year”.

“Legal incidents still make up the biggest part of the violations targeting journalists, media workers and outlets,” he told BIRN.

Earthquakes and economy

Turkish journalists are in a protest. Photo: Journalists’ Union of Turkey, TGS.

The May elections were billed by many as the last chance to save Turkish democracy after 21 years of increasingly authoritarian rule by Erdogan and his AKP. Rocked by criticism of their response to the earthquakes in February and their handling of the economy, both Erdogan and AKP appeared to be on the ropes. But the many pundits and pollsters who predicted an opposition win were wrong.

Erdogan wasted no time in exacting revenge on the media outlets and journalists that sided against him.

“Starting from the night of the elections, we have been seeing Erdogan’s statement become a reality,” said Ozturan.

“Multiple officials from the governing alliance have also made threatening remarks against independent media and, as a result, now we are seeing the negative developments continue in the field of journalism.”

Since May 14, the ECMPF has documented 230 media alerts across Europe, 48 of them originating in Turkey.

One of the most prominent and widely condemned was the arrest in late June of veteran journalist Merdan Yanardag, managing editor of TELE 1 TV, after he called for strict measures imposed on jailed Kurdistan Workers’ Party, PKK, leader Abdullah Ocalan – such as solitary confinement – to be lifted. He described Ocalan as “an extremely intelligent person who reads politics correctly, sees it correctly, and analyses it correctly”, comments for which Yanardag was taken into custody and accused of ‘praising a crime and a criminal’ and ‘propaganda for a terrorist organisation’.

Yanardag remains in prison awaiting trial, and for seven days in July TELE 1 TV’s screens were blanked by the government agency that regulates broadcasters.

Yanardag had been one of the loudest critics of Erdogan’s government, notably during the February earthquake disaster in which more than 55,000 people died and the May elections.

His arrest is part of a trend, observers say.

“There has been a steady increase in the number of press and media freedom violations reported from Turkey in recent years, and it appears to be gaining momentum in relation to the political situation and polarisation in society,” said Ozturan.

“Following the earthquakes in February, after persistent targeting of journalists by state and government officials, the number of journalists subjected to physical violence increased dramatically and we reported multiple severely violent cases.”

“Multiple journalists also became targets of the Disinformation Law which came into effect in October 2022,” he said, referring to a much-criticised law that criminalises the intentional spread of ‘disinformation’. “The period leading up to the elections also saw an increase in the number of articles and journalist accounts that were being blocked.”

Worst yet to come?

People hold posters depicting jailed journalists during a protest before a trial of jailed journalists in front of the Caglayan courthouse in Istanbul, Turkey, 09 September 2020. Photo: EPA-EFE/SEDAT SUNA

Under Erdogan, Turkey has become one of the world’s biggest jailers of journalists, but it also puts media under pressure by other means such as court cases, fines, and closure.

A report published in June by Germany’s Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom said that Turkey was copying Russia’s ‘playbook’ by using the judiciary to silence critical journalism.

According to another report from Turkey’s Media and Law Studies Association, 87 per cent of Turkish journalists say they do not feel safe while doing their jobs.

Media watchdog Reporters without Borders, RSF, this year ranked Turkey 165th out of 180 countries on its index of press freedom.

Many predicted that such repressive measures would intensify after an Erdogan victory.

“Newspapers may be closed, more journalists imprisoned,” Dogan Senturk, managing editor of FOX TV, the most popular broadcaster, said on May 24, days before the presidential run-off won by Erdogan.

“It would not be a surprise if newspapers are censored, more journalists are detained and imprisoned for their reports, as happened in the past,” he was quoted as saying by the Turkish daily Cumhuriyet.

The latest victim is investigative journalist Baris Pehlivan, who was put behind bars on August 15 for a fifth time. Pehlivan was convicted over his reporting in March 2020 on the funeral of a Turkish intelligence officer in Libya and spent six months in prison before being released on parole in September 2020.

On August 2 this year, he wrote in a newspaper column that he had been summoned back to prison by SMS allegedly for breaking the rules of his parole by ‘insulting’ a judge on Turkey’s Supreme Court of Appeals. Under sentencing laws, he has eight months of the original sentence of three years and nine months still to serve, but lawmakers in July adopted a new measure regulating parole and probation, according to which, Pehlivan’s supporters argue, he should remain free.

Turkish and international media organisations have condemned Pehlivan’s repeated imprisonment as harassment.

“Why can’t I benefit from the law enacted by the parliament of this country?” Pehlivan told reporters as he entered prison.

With Erdogan determined to wrest back control of Turkey’s major cities after they fell to the opposition in 2019, Ozturan said worse may be still to come.

“We are still concerned about what the coming months might bring, considering Turkey is heading into local elections in March 2024.”

US Offers up to $10 Million for Info on Cyber Attacks in Montenegro

The US embassy in Montenegro has placed billboards on several locations in the capital Podgorica, offering up to $10 million for information on cyber attacks in Montenegro operated against American interests.

The billboards seek information about ransomware attacks on state information systems, interference in elections, or “malicious cyber activities against critical American infrastructure”. Montenegro has been part of NATO since 2017.

The announcement is written in Montenegrin and Russian and aims to attract “technologically skilled individuals who currently live in Montenegro and know about the attacks”, as the embassy in Montenegro told Radio Free Europe, RFE.

The billboards say that “’recent malicious cyber activities in Montenegro indicate the need to protect digital ecosystem”, likely referring to the cyber attacks from August last year targeting a host of government services in Montenegro.

Authorities in Montenegro still have no definitive answer as to who was behind the attacks which compromised various public services, including the websites of the government and the Revenue and Customs Administration.

In August last year, National Security Agency said Russia was to blame but offered no evidence. Then, the government stated that it was actually the work of a cybercriminal extortion group named Cuba Ransomware. In the end, authorities could not determine precisely who the perpetrator was, despite the assistance of the FBI and the French National Cybersecurity Agency, ANSSI.

The award is part of the U.S State Department program, “Rewards for Justice”, ongoing since 1984. The mission of the program, as stated by the State Department, is to protect Americans and US national security. It rewards information on terrorism, foreign-linked interference in US elections, foreign-directed malicious cyber activities against the US and activities that support North Korea.

Last year, a report by the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, EBRD, characterized Montenegro’s “digital maturity” level as “basic” and recommended cybersecurity requirements for all digital service providers. Cybersecurity Ventures, one of the world’s leading publishers in the field, predicts the annual cost of global cybercrime will reach $10.5 trillion by 2025, up from $3 trillion in 2015.

Turkish Photographer and Model Detained Over Mosque Photo-Shoot

A Turkish photographer and model have been detained by police in the capital, Ankara, for ‘insulting religious values’ after a photo-shoot in the city’s Kocatepe Mosque, prosecutors said on Tuesday.

Photographer Bilal Kisa and model Ezgi Cebeci faced a backlash from nationalist and Islamist accounts on social media after Kisa shared photos taken inside and in front of the mosque, in which Cebeci wore Islamic prayer beads as a necklace, a loose headscarf and a traditional male Muslim cap.

Kisa apologised on Monday, but he and Cebeci were arrested nevertheless and his photos confiscated.

Photographer Bilal Kisa’s photo of model Ezgi Cebeci in Ankara Kocatepe Mosque. Photo: Bilal Kisa/Instagram account

“An investigation was initiated ex officio for the crime of publicly insulting the religious values adopted by a section of the public… due to the photographs taken by a director named Bilal Kisa with a female person in Ankara Kocatepe Mosque and published on social media,” the Prosecutor’s Office in Ankara said in a statement.

In his apology, Kisa saying his work had “deviated from its purpose”.

He insisted he had no intention of insulting Islam or Muslims but that he wished to challenge “the prejudices of a certain group of people who are offended by the mosque and show that the place where they will find peace is the mosque”.

“I apologise to everyone I hurt and misunderstood,” he wrote.

Bosnia to Investigate Online Admirers of Livestream Mass Shooter

The Interior Ministry in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Federation entity said it will investigate people who voiced approval on social media for Nermin Sulejmanovic, who killed three people in the town of Gradacac on Friday while livestreaming the shooting spree on Instagram before shooting himself.

“The Federal Interior Minister, Ramo Isak, will ask the Federal Police Administration and the Interior Ministry of the Tuzla Canton to investigate all individuals who, on social media, supported the murderer and glorified the crime committed after the gruesome murders in Gradacac,” said Ervin Musinovic, the Federal Interior Minister’s chief of office.

He added that “all individuals found to have committed the crime of sending abhorrent messages in support of the murderer” will have criminal reports filed against them.

The violence began when Sulejmanovic, a former bodybuilder with a criminal record, first killed his ex-wife on a livestream on Meta’s social media platform Instagram.

Sulemajnovic started his livestream by saying that viewers “will see what a live murder looks like”, then took a gun and shot his ex-wife.

He shot dead two more people and wounded three others, including one police officer.

After police staged a major operation to track him down, Sulejmanovic committed suicide in front of police officers.

The video showing the murder of his ex-wife was online for two hours on Sulemajnovic’s Instagram account, which at the time of shooting had some 11,000 followers.

The case has raised new questions about the failure of Meta’s internal safety procedures, which should prevent the circulation of such violent videos.

Some 15,000 people watched Sulejmanovic’s first livestream, with 300 people posting ‘likes’ on it.

BIRN’s digital rights monitors registered that his first live feed was shared 286 times before it was removed after a self-organised public campaign on social media calling on people to report the video to Instagram moderators.

The police also said that their cyber department was in communication with Meta, which removed the video 20 minutes after they sent a request.

However, despite the video being removed, Sulejmanovic still had access to his account and he began a second livestream, speaking about what he had done.

“I shot at a police officer, but he escaped. He escaped in a Skoda, and I couldn’t catch up with him in my BMW,” he said.

His account was later on removed by Meta, but not fast enough in order to stop the sharing of his videos.

In the time between the first and second video, his account gained more than 3,000 followers.

Although some mainstream online media in Bosnia in Serbia published screenshots from the video with less explicit content, BIRN’s monitors did not register that any media outlets republished the actual murder video.

Turkey’s Repeated Jailing of Journalist Condemned as ‘Judicial Harassment’

Nineteen international and Turkish rights watchdogs and media organisations on Wednesday condemned the Turkish authorities’ decision to imprison investigative journalist Baris Pehlivan for a fifth time.

“We are concerned by the repeated judicial harassment of Pehlivan, who is exercising his fundamental right to free speech as a journalist in Turkey,” the organisations said in a joint letter.

On August 2, Pehlivan was informed via an SMS from the Ministry of Justice that he was expected to turn himself over to the Marmara Low Security Correctional Institution between August 1 and 15.

“Pehlivan has already been incarcerated four times due to his journalism, two of those being one day behind bars in February and May 2023 for the same sentence. This order would mark his fifth time behind bars,” the rights and media groups’ letter said said.

Pehlivan was arrested in March 2020 over his coverage of the funeral of a Turkish National Intelligence Organization, MIT officer in Libya, and taken to court alongside journalists Aydin Keser, Baris Terkoglu, Eren Ekinci, Hulya Kilinc, Ferhat Celik and Murat Agırel.

He was sentenced to three years and nine months in prison on charges of exposing classified intelligence documents.

In May 2020, the Turkish authorities postponed the sentences of thousands of inmates due to COVID-19 pandemic, but a last-minute clause excluded primarily the charges that journalists face, keeping all journalists, including Pehlivan, in prison.

After spending six months behind bars, Pehlivan was released on parole in September 2020 on condition that he does not reoffend.

After his release, Pehlivan commented on the court’s decision by saying: “There is no crime in this case. This case aims to punish our journalism.”

In July this year, the Turkish parliament enacted a measure drafted by the governing coalition regulating parole and probation rules which should have assured Pehlivan’s parole.

Instead he was recalled to prison by SMS last week for the March 2020 offence.

When Pehlivan’s lawyer filed a request for information on the decision that the journalist should hand himself in to the correctional institution, “the response indicated that the prison administration had disregarded the relevant clauses of the legislation [on parole] from July 2023”.

“We call upon the Turkish authorities to reverse the decision to reimprison Pehlivan and end the systematic judicial harassment against him and other journalists. We reiterate our solidarity with the imprisoned journalists. Journalism is not a crime and every minute a journalist spends behind bars is a violation of freedom of expression and media freedom,” the joint letter said.

Media organisations and rights groups say that Turkey under President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has become one of the world’s worst jailers of journalists, also exerting pressure on the media through court cases, fines and prison sentences.

A recent report published in June by Germany’s Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom says Turkey is copying the Russian ‘playbook’, using the judiciary to silence critical journalism.

Turkey ranked 165th out of 180 countries in 2023 in the latest press freedom index issued by the watchdog organisation Reporters Without Borders.

Sputnik Turkey Fires Unionised Journalists Who Sought Better Pay

The Turkey bureau of Russian news agency Sputnik has fired 24 unionised journalists who decided to strike for better pay and rights after negotiations on a new collective labour agreement failed, the Journalists’ Union of Turkey, TGS, said on Monday.

“Sputnik fires our members instead of respecting their union rights and meeting their demands,” TGS said. “Stop committing crimes and get dismissed journalists back to work.”

One of the journalists, Erkin Oncan, took to Twitter to denounce the dismissals.

“From now on, we will continue on our way with the same determination,” Oncan tweeted. “This decision is unlawful; we will go back to our jobs. As we said at the very beginning of the process: “No step back” … Our strength comes from our organisation.”

Senior journalist Atilla Guner, who prepared the evening news programme on Radio Sputnik, was among those fired. Guner said the reason given was ‘downsizing’, but the journalist said it was more likely because of his support the strike action.

Sputnik Turkey did not respond to a request for comment.

Turkish law forbids action aimed at pressuring workers not to join unions or undertake industrial action, but the rate of unionisation among media workers has dropped considerably in the 21 years since Recep Tayyip Erdogan took power.

Recently, however, more Turkish journalists have seen industrial action as the only way to improve working conditions against a backdrop of low pay and shrinking media freedoms.

Strikes have been held among TGS journalists at the Istanbul office of the BBC and the Turkey offices of Reuters and Agence France Presse, resulting in new collective labour agreements.

Media Freedom in South-East Europe Faces Escalating Digital Threats

In Turkey over the past month, online censorship, surveillance and arrests had a negative impact on independent journalism, while Croatia’s proposed Media Law raised concerns about increased government control and potential censorship that could endanger investigative reporting and threaten the protection of journalists’ sources.

In Turkey and North Macedonia in July, content removal orders and legal battles also posed threats to press freedom as the digital realm continued to be a battleground for information control in both countries.

Digital threats were also registered in Albania, Bosnia, Montenegro and Romania and Serbia, with increases in verbal attacks on social media, negative online campaigns and derogatory comments targeting journalists.

Kosovo and Bosnia meanwhile saw an uptick in digital misinformation last month through doctored photographs and false news.

Threats to media freedom online in Turkey

In Turkey, press freedom has deteriorated significantly, with President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s government facing widespread criticism for its treatment of journalists. Digital threats to journalists have escalated, as online censorship and surveillance have become common practices.

The government’s use of stringent anti-terrorism laws has resulted in the arrests and detentions of journalists, leading to self-censorship and a shrinking space for independent journalism.

A report by Turkey’s Media and Law Studies Association revealed that a majority of journalists in the country feel unsafe while performing their duties, facing physical assaults and online attacks. The digital sphere, including social media platforms, has been weaponised to monitor and silence dissenting voices, posing serious risks to journalists reporting on sensitive issues.

Two prominent cases in July shed light on the struggles faced by media organisations and individuals in the country.

International news agency Reuters found itself embroiled in a legal battle with Turkish authorities over an article that revealed investigations by US and Swedish prosecutors into a graft complaint involving President Erdogan’s son.

A Turkish court ordered the removal of the article from Reuters’ website, saying it had violated the son’s personal rights.

Reuters then appealed against the court’s takedown order, asserting that it conflicted with Turkish legal protections for freedom of the press and freedom of expression.

Another case that emerged in July centred on allegations of sexual misconduct against Gıyas Güven, the former provincial director of a company called Ağrı İŞKUR. It was alleged that Güven engaged in deceptive practices, promising job opportunities to women in exchange for sexual favours.

As the scandal gained attention, Güven was suspended from duty and an investigation was launched.

In response, Turkish authorities blocked access to 422 pieces of online content related to the allegations, including news articles, videos, tweets and other social media posts.

The situation escalated when Hilal Kaplan, a prominent columnist for Sabah newspaper, used her influence to block access to other pieces of online content. Her actions led to the blocking of 50 more articles, bringing the total number of blocked pieces to 446.

Among the censored pieces of content were news stories, social media posts and even weather reports.


People attend a rally to mark the 16th anniversary of Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink’s death, in front of he Agos newspaper in Istanbul, Turkey, 19 January 2023. Photo: EPA-EFE/SEDAT SUNA

New Croatian media law causes alarm

In Croatia in July, a proposed Media Law raised alarms over potential threats to freedom of expression in the digital space. Journalists and media organisations, in particular, fear that the law’s provisions may grant the government unprecedented control over journalistic freedoms and self-regulation. This includes empowering publishers to reject journalistic pieces without explanation, potentially leading to online censorship.

The requirement for journalists to disclose sources could undermine investigative reporting and jeopardise the safety of whistleblowers. The establishment of a State Register of Journalists has also raised concerns about government control and intimidation.

Experts say there is growing fear that the government might exploit online tools to stifle dissenting voices and manipulate public opinion in its favour.

Meanwhile in North Macedonia in July, a journalist and online editor at the daily newspaper Sloboden Pecat, Zarko Nastoski, reported that his article on a government decision regarding a controversial gold mine initiative in the country’s south-eastern region was removed from the paper’s online edition without his knowledge or permission. The article focused on the government’s decision to open a gold mine, which has faced strong opposition from local residents.

The removal of the article prompted Nastoski to resign in protest. However, the Sloboden Pecat editorial team countered his claims, stating that he had published the article without their permission and without an active employment contract with the company at the time of publication.

The editorial team further argued that the article contained unconfirmed information that could hold the company liable. Despite the response, the editorial team did not provide a clear explanation about why the article was removed without any prior notice or explanation.

Threats and intimidation across the region

Journalists and media outlets across south-east Europe experienced threats, insults and attacks in July.

In Serbia, the director of the company Lasta, a member of the ruling Serbian Progressive Party, posted a video on social media that targeted journalists and presenters from N1, Nova S, and Nova newspaper, portraying them as pests that needed to be eradicated.

Also in July, the president of Bosnia’s Serb-dominated Republika Srpska, Milorad Dodik, launched a verbal attack online against journalist Dinko Gruhonjic, accusing him of chauvinism.

The attack followed Gruhonjic’s appearance on N1 TV, during which he discussed court cases related to the Srebrenica massacre. Subsequently, Gruhonjic began receiving threats on social media platforms.

President Dodik’s accusations were not limited to the journalist alone but also targeted N1, demanding a ban on the N1 network’s operations within Republika Srpska.


An estimated more than a thousand members of the Croatian Journalists Association and Journalists syndicate march in protest against Minister of Health Vili Beros and Prime Minister Andrej Plenkovic, in Zagreb, Croatia, 05 February 2023. Photo: EPA-EFE/ANTONIO BAT

In Montenegro, journalists from the daily newspaper Vijesti also received online insults and threats using offensive language. Some were falsely accused of having connections to drug-dealing gangs.

In Albania, a dispute between media owners fuelled by the arrest of a company owner on charges of stalking and violence against his former roommate, as well as allegedly publishing a video without her consent, led to a derogatory article that insulted journalist Anila Basha, published by the online media outlet Prapaskena.com. The article also made inappropriate comments about Basha’s niece, and was accompanied by some private photos.

In Bosnia meanwhile, journalist Jasmin Mulahusic came under investigation by the prosecution for suspected criminal offences related to inciting national, racial, and religious hatred, as well as discord and intolerance, through his Facebook posts about other journalists.

Despite being under investigation, Mulahusic persisted in targeting other journalists. In a recent social media post, he openly threatened two of them.

Meanwhile, in Romania, influential blogger Marian Godina insulted journalists from the independent outlet Recorder for allegedly revealing unverified information about police misconduct. Godina claimed that the journalists had got their story wrong.

Doctored photos in Kosovo, misinformation in Bosnia

Journalists in Kosovo and Bosnia continued to encounter challenges to their professional reputations and safety in July.

In Kosovo, on July 2, 2023, a Facebook page called ‘Thënie nga Albin Kurti’ (‘Statements from Albin Kurti’) launched an attack on journalist Berat Buzhala by posting a doctored photograph of him.

The image falsely depicted Buzhala getting into a car with Serbian licence plates and was accompanied by a caption claiming that Buzhala saw Kosovo’s Prime Minister Albin Kurti as equivalent to wartime Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic.

The original photo however showed Buzhala with a car that had valid Kosovo licence plates and the Facebook page intentionally altered the image to spread misinformation about the journalist’s allegiances.

Buzhala denied the claims and clarified that the car plates had been digitally altered and that the vehicle belonged to a resident of Skenderaj, where he had gone to provide assistance where there was flooding in that area.

Meanwhile in Bosnia in July, a former music talent manager spread false information about the death of renowned Bosnian TV host Senad Hadzifejzovic in a post on Facebook. The former manager posted that Hadzifejzovic had passed away, stating that it was “sad news” and that he couldn’t believe it but hoped it was misinformation.

The post caused concern and distress among the public. It was swiftly removed from Facebook but showed how the dissemination of a piece of unverified news about public figures could have a serious impact.

Bosnia has been covered by Elma Selimovic, Aida Trepanić and Azem Kurtic, Turkey by Hamdi Fırat Büyük, Albania by Nensi Bogdani, Romania by Adina Florea, North Macedonia by Bojan Stojkovski and Goce Trpkovski, Montenegro by Samir Kajosevic, Kosovo by Diedon Nixha, Croatia by Matej Augustin and Serbia by Tijana Uzelac & Kalina Simic.

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