Media Freedom Deteriorated in Europe Amid Pandemic, Report Warns

Reporters Without Borders, RSF, released its annual Press Freedom Index report on Tuesday with a warning that media freedom has deteriorated across the world during the coronavirus pandemic, with governments using the crisis to assert more control over the press.

In 2020, there was a “dramatic deterioration in people’s access to information and an increase in obstacles to news coverage”, the RSF report says.

“The coronavirus pandemic has been used as grounds to block journalists’ access to information sources and reporting in the field,” it adds.

The situation deteriorated significantly in some countries in Central and South East Europe in 2020, says the report, which ranks 180 countries around the world according to their level of media freedom, evaluating media pluralism, independence from government, national legislation and how safe journalists are in each country.

In Hungary (92nd out of 180, down three positions from RSF’s 2019 rankings), independent media came under attack in 2020 from Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s government, which “continued to extend its hegemony over the Hungarian media landscape and inspire other European countries such as Slovenia and Poland”, according to the report.

Legislation passed to criminalise disinformation about the pandemic “threatened journalists with prosecution on charges of disseminating fake news and ‘blocking the government’s anti-pandemic efforts’ and imposed additional curbs on their already limited access to state-held information”.

Poland (down two positions at 64th), Slovenia (down four at 36th), Czechia (in the same position at 40th) and Slovakia (down two at 35th) suffered some of the same problems.

“After consolidating its control of the state broadcast media, the government [in Poland] is pursuing its ‘repolonisation’ of the privately-owned media with the declared goal of influencing their editorial policies or, in other words, censoring them,” the RSF report says.

The situation is possibly worse in the Balkans, according to the report.

“The various press freedom violations have contributed to a sharp deterioration in the EU/Balkans Abuses indicator. Acts of violence have more than doubled in the region, compared with a 17% deterioration worldwide,” it says.

In Serbia (in the same position at 93rd), President Aleksandar Vucic’s administration is setting an example for other countries in the region with increasing government control on the media, daily verbal attacks on journalists and legislation to limit press freedom during the pandemic.

“Serbia is a country with weak institutions that is prey to fake news spread by government-backed sensational media, a country where journalists are subjected to almost daily attacks that increasingly come from the ruling elite and pro-government media,” the report says.

“The government used the coronavirus crisis to pass draconian legislation – later repealed – under which journalist Ana Lalic was held overnight in a cell in April 2020 after being arrested at her home for a report about a local hospital,” it adds.

The government of Albania (up one position at 83rd) took control of two independent TV channels on the grounds that their owner had been charged with drug trafficking, while in Montenegro (up one at 104th), investigative reporter Jovo Martinovic has continued to be prosecuted on allegedly trumped-up charges.

In Bosnia (in the same position at 58th) and Kosovo (down eight at 78th), media remain divided along ethnic lines, like most other institutions in both countries. The report notes that nationalistic discourse increased in 2020, creating a hostile environment for press freedom.

In Croatia (up three at 56th), journalists who investigate corruption, organised crime or war crimes are often subjected to harassment campaigns, according to the report.

RSF notes that in North Macedonia (up two at 90) senior government officials continued to threaten and insult media outlets, while cyber-harassment and verbal attacks against journalists increased on social media.

In Bulgaria (down one at 112), the lowest EU country in the rankings, “the situation of the media is very worrying because no one is interested in investigating or condemning violence against journalists”, the report says.

In Romania (in the same position at 48th) and Moldova (up two at 89th), access to information remains a major problem for journalists, particularly during the pandemic.

Turkey (up one at 153th) has one of the worst record for press freedom not only in Europe but around the world.

“All means possible are used [by the Turkish government] to eliminate pluralism,” the report says.

It notes that the government controls 90 per cent of the national media, and uses severe censorship and discriminatory practices in order to marginalise and criminalise its media critics.

Croatian Journalists Union Deplores ‘Intimidating’ Rise in Lawsuits

At least 924 lawsuits against the media and journalists are active in Croatia, in which plaintiffs are demanding almost 78.5 million kunas in total, or some 10 million euros, which marks an increase in the number of lawsuits compared to last year, when the number was 905, the latest annual survey done by the Croatian Journalists’ Association, HND, reveals.

Hrvoje Zovko, HND president, said on Friday that such numbers “show that the judicial persecution of the media and journalists in Croatia is still ongoing and that there is no end in sight”.

He added “It is important to note that the actual number [of lawsuits] is higher because we received this data from only 23 media. We want to clearly warn the domestic and international public that lawsuits are the most common means of intimidating journalists and the media to give up serious investigative stories.”

He said that what was also particularly worrying is that top state officials, “local sheriffs”, and even judges are filing lawsuits.

HND reported that of the total number of 924 lawsuits, 892 are civil lawsuits for alleged violations of honour and reputation, conducted against publishers, editors and journalists for publishing texts and articles. The other 32 are criminal lawsuits.

The Hanza media group, to which the popular daily Jutarnji list belongs, reported 479 active court proceedings to the HND. Right behind is the Styria group, which publishes Vecernji list, with 203 lawsuits.

“Many of these proceedings involve SLAPP or Strategic Lawsuit Against Public Participation lawsuits, aimed at censoring, intimidating and silencing critics by burdening them with court proceedings – a serious and dangerous mechanism that threatens media freedom,” HND said in a press release.

This is the third time that HND has carried out such research. Concerned about the number of lawsuits against the media, it asks local media outlets to inform them of the situation in their newsrooms.

According to the first HND’s poll, in February 2019, which drew responses from 19 outlets, there were 1,163 active court cases in Croatia. Warning about the dangers of this practice, in March that year reporters and media outlets staged a protest in Zagreb.

Last year’s data showed 905 such cases.

As BIRN reported, many governments in the region, in trying to control the pandemic narrative, adopted draconian tools, muzzling media, arresting critics and bombarding social media giants with requests to take down posts and shut down accounts.

In its November 2020 COVID and Free Speech report, the Council of Europe rights body cautioned that restrictions introduced during the pandemic could give rise to an increase in civil lawsuits, particularly defamation cases.

Turkish Court Releases Jailed Journalist and Writer Ahmet Altan

Prominent Turkish writer and journalist Ahmet Altan has been released from prison after the Court of Cassation overturned the verdicts against him.

The decision came on Wednesday, one day after the European Court of Human Rights, ECHR said Altan’s imprisonment, which has lasted more than four-and-a-half years, violated his human rights. The ECHR also ordered Turkey to pay 16,000 euros in non-pecuniary damages.

“I do not know what my feelings are. I do not know why I am out. They sent me to prison without asking and now they released me without asking,” Altan told the press after this release.

The writer has been in an Istanbul prison since September 2016 on charges related to the failed coup attempt in July 2016.

He was arrested over allegations that he disseminated subliminal messages related to the coup attempt during a TV programme, as well as articles he had written criticising the government.

Altan denied the charges, which he and his lawyer insisted were politically motivated.

“This has been judicial persecution which lasted more than four years and seven months. Altan was held with a completely empty file,” Figen Calıkusu, his lawyer, told the press. “He was considered a perpetrator of the coup attempt for the articles he wrote,” Calıkusu added.

In 2018, Altan was sentenced to life in jail without parole for attempting to overthrow the government of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. The ruling has now been overturned by Turkey’s top appeal court.

Following the first verdict, Altan was re-tried and sentenced to more than 10 years for aiding the “Fethullahist Terrorist Organisation” or “FETO” for short.

FETO is the name given by the Turkish government for followers of the exiled preacher Fethullah Gulen. Ankara accuses Gulen and his supporters of orchestrating the coup. The US-based Gulen denies any involvement.

In 2019, Altan was briefly released due to the time he had served but re-arrested only after eight days because the prosecutor objected to his release.

Rights groups, opposition and journalists’ organisations have welcomed his latest release.

The Committee to Protect Journalists, CPJ, said it welcomed the release of Altan and urged the government not to make the same mistake of rearresting him.

“Turkish authorities should not repeat the mistake of rearresting Altan as they did in 2019, and should allow him to live and work freely,” Gulnoza Said, head of Europe and Central Asia Program at CPJ, said.

“Altan should never have been arrested and should have been released years ago. Better late than never but let’s not shrug off how we got here – don’t reward hostage-taking.” Nate Schenkkan, Director of Research Strategy at the rights organisation Freedom House wrote on Twitter.

Tirana Mayor’s Bodyguards Criticised for Manhandling Inquisitive Journalist

The head of the Albanian Media Council has criticised the behaviour of the Mayor of Tirana’s security detail after a video published by Ora News media outlet showed a journalist being physically stopped from putting questions to Mayor Erion Veliaj.

“Veliaj was holding a political event and after he finished he entered a cafe and we were waiting for him outside,” the journalist, Isa Myzyraj, told BIRN.

“As soon as he came out, I approached and asked a question that many are seeking answers to: what can you say about construction without criteria in Tirana? He meanwhile immediately started making accusations about the media executives where I work,” the journalist added.

“With an action that in my opinion … seriously violates freedom of the media, his companions not only obstructed me but held me by the hands and exerted physical pressure so I could not move until Veliaj got in his car and left,” he continued.

Koloreto Çukali, Head of the Albanian Media Council, called the action concerning.

“In the published videos, it is clear that the movement [of the journalist] was forcibly blocked by the individuals accompanying the mayor. The only ‘crime’ of the journalist was putting a microphone in front of Veliaj, a very normal practice in Western countries,” he told BIRN

He added that this is not good practice, especially when the questions were of clear public interest.

According to the 2020 report of media rights watchdog Freedom House, reporters in Albania have little job security and “remain subject to lawsuits, intimidation, and occasional physical attacks by those facing media scrutiny”.

Ora News is a local media outlet owned by Ylli Ndroqi. Its assets were seized by the prosecution on August 2020 under anti-mafia laws. The owner’s lawyer said the client suspected political motives behind the move.

Greek Police Intensify Hunt For Journalist’s Assassins

Greek police are intensifying efforts to locate the perpetrators of last Friday’s execution-style” killing of the veteran crime reporter Giorgos Karaivaz, shooting him dead outside his house in the southern Athens suburb of Alimos.

Investigators are leaning to the possibility that two different teams were involved in the street slaying. The first team likely monitored the reporter’s movements after he left STAR TV channel, where he had taken part in a daytime show, and then informed the second team, who waited in the area on a motorcycle and executed the crime.

A CCTV video camera appears to show two riders some seven minutes before the attack. The driver can be seen wearing a helmet while the second driver, who according to witnesses hopped off the bike and shot the reporter as he got out of his car, is wearing a khaki hoodie, sunglasses and a mask.

Karaivaz took a total of ten bullets, six in his chest. According to reports, he was also shot twice in his head, verifying a passersby’s testimony that, once he fell to the ground, he received the final hit from the assassins before they got away.

According to media outlet Kathimerini, police believe the Beverly scooter used in the attack had been stolen, and have created a log of motorbikes of the same type reported stolen from their owners lately.

Police have been also trying to locate the safe house of the perpetrators. Investigations are focused on hotels and Airbnb apartments in the southern suburbs of Athens, but also on recent arrivals at Greece’s airports and across the land borders. For the moment, the lead scenario appears to be that the two perpetrators were brought from abroad for the hit, and left afterwards.

On Saturday, the Prime Minister, Kiriakos Mitsotakis, tweeted: “The assassination in cold blood of Giorgos Karaivaz has shocked the entire society,” adding that he met with the Minister of Citizen’s Protection, Michalis Chrisochoidis, to urge him to help solve the case.

But Mitsotakis has received criticism for only responding to the news of the assassination some 24 hours after the attack. His tweet came hours after various media freedom watchdogs, such as the Committee to Protect Journalists, and foreign officials, including the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, had already condemned the attack.

Former prime minister and opposition SYRIZA party leader Alexis Tsipras also criticized the government, saying that “those who were campaigning for law and order have let the country be converted to a colony of organised crime and uncontrolled action of gang mafias”.

Speaking on TV, the deputy Minister of Citizen’s Protection, Lefteris Oikonomou, said a series of similar-style assassinations in the last three years suggested that some form of “open war” has been going on.

On the website bloko.gr that he founded and managed, which focused on crime and police authorities, Karaivaz had reported on more than ten assassinations that have taken place since 2018 and are attributed to conflicts between different gangs for supremacy. The authorities have been studying his laptop, his car and his mobile phone, reportedly also hit by a bullet.

Karaivaz’s funeral meanwhile took place on Sunday in Kallifytos, a village just outside Drama, where his only son, Dimitris, 19, said: “My father believed a lot in people and he loved them. He believed in a second chance”.

“Of course, we want the people that killed him to be caught, so that they will not kill someone else in future,” he added.

“But my father would forgive them for killing him, and would look for the reason behind this and wouldn’t want this event to terrorize society – a society that fights for freedom and equality,” he concluded.

Turkish Court Rules Government Restricted Media Freedom

Turkey’s Council of State, the highest administrative legal authority in the country, ruled on Thursday that stricter regulations on the issuing of press cards, introduced in 2018, contravene the freedom of the media.

The Council of State said that press cards cannot be cancelled for what it described as arbitrary and ambiguous reasons such as “conduct against public order or national security” and “behaviour that damages the professional dignity of journalism”.

“The criteria with regards to people who will be given a press card need to be put forward concretely; objective criteria need to be determined,” it added.

The regulations created by Turkey’s Communications Directorate, which is under the control of the presidency, allowed the government to cancel the press cards of journalists seen as unfriendly to the authorities, critics claimed.

Since they were introduced, a large number of independent journalists have had their press cards cancelled or their applications for renewal denied.

Independent media and experts have claimed that being granted press card and the benefits that it bestows has become a privilege of a small group of pro-government journalists. Benefits of a press card include early retirement, entrance to any event, free travel transportation within the city, and discounts on rail and air travel.

The Progressive Journalists’ Union, CGD, welcomed the court’s decision to overturn the regulations, which it said were “created by the government in order to punish journalists who are not close to it”.

Montenegro Mulls Tougher Penalties to Deter Attacks on Journalists

Montenegro’s Interior Ministry on Wednesday called for stricter penalties for attacks on journalists, promising to consider granting them the same status as state officials. Interior Ministry Secretary Zoran Miljanic said authorities would meanwhile investigate the motives behind the recent attack on the weekly Monitor’s editor-in-chief, Esad Kocan.

“The motive for the attack will be determined, but penalties for attacking journalists must also be stricter. The ministry will consider all possibilities about whether journalists should get the status of officials,” Miljanic told a press conference after a session of the Commission for Monitoring Violence against Media.

Kocan was attacked on March 28 in front of his house when Dragutin Sukovic, from Podgorica, first verbally insulted him and then tried to use force. Sukovic has been detained on suspicion of endangering security, while police reported that he has been arrested several times since 2010 for attempted murder, drug dealing, domestic violence and assault on police officers.

Commission head Mihailo Jovovic urged the ministry to resolve the motive of this attack, “whether someone attacked Kocan as a journalist, someone sent him [the attacker] there, or it was an attack by an incurable man. If it is revealed that someone sent him, it would be the first time that the preparator of an attack on a journalist was discovered,” he told the press conference.

On March 29, civic activists, media organisations and political parties called again on the authorities to protect the safety of journalists and saying they should be given the status of officials. The Ministry of Public Administration, Digital Society and Media announced a consultation on this idea.

“It [official status] should be granted … to introduce a stricter sanctions policy, which will have a deterrent effect,” the Southeast European Media Association said in a press release.

Under the criminal code, endangering someone’s security incurs a potential fine or a one-year prison sentence. But endangering the security of officials carries a prison sentence of up to three years.      

On March 20, television Vijesti journalist Sead Sadikovic was threatened and then assaulted by a group of five or six people carrying Montenegrin flags during a so-called patriotic rally in the town of Bijelo Polje.

Police detained Nermin Omerovic and Edin Dizdarevic for the attack, while authorities condemned it, stating that “violence is not a sign of recognition of a European and cultural Montenegro”.

In its 2020 progress report, the European Commission warned that progress in addressing violence against journalists and media in the country had been limited, adding that the authorities should investigate attacks against journalists as a priority.

“Authorities are expected to demonstrate zero tolerance for threats or attacks against the media, and should refrain from making statements that are not conducive to freedom of expression,” the report said.

On March 30, the US State Department’s latest human rights report warned that unsolved attacks against journalists remained a significant problem in Montenegro. It said more than two-thirds of the 85 attacks recorded on journalists since 2004 remained unsolved or did not result in sentences.

“Harassment of journalists, including use of physical force, was further reported in the course of 2020. Observers also noted that most of the attacks targeted independent or pro-opposition journalists and media professionals,” the report said.

Media Watchdogs Warn of ‘Hostile Climate’ for Slovenia’s Press

The International Press Institute said on Tuesday that it has joined four other media watchdog organisations in writing to European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen to express concerns over a decline in press freedom in Slovenia since the government of Janez Jansa came to power.

“We believe the repeated denigration of journalists, combined with the ruling party’s attempts to exert greater control over the country’s public service media, are creating an increasing hostile climate for critical reporting which serves its fundamental role of holding the government to account,” the five organisations said in the letter.

They claimed that as prime minister, Jansa has increasingly employed “Trumpian style tactics” of attacking journalists on Twitter and dismissing critical reporting as “fake news”, but warned that these attacks “go well beyond mere rhetoric”.

The letter was signed by the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom, the European Federation of Journalists, OBC Transeuropa and Reporters Without Borders as well as the International Press Institute.

The Slovenian Government Communication Office, UKOM, faced strong criticism in February after it announced that it will suspend payment for the services provided by the Slovenian Press Agency, STA in January – the second time it has suspended the state-funded STA’s payments in recent months.

In the coming months, the media watchdog organisations’ letter said, the European Commission must respond publicly to any future attacks on the media by Jansa.

“It is vital for press freedom and democracy in the EU that Slovenia does not follow further down the illiberal path forged by Hungary and Poland,” they stated.

The problems facing media freedom in Slovenia, together with the situation for the press in Poland and Hungary, was discussed at the European Parliament’s plenary session last week.

Jansa’s policies could attract greater international attention in the second half of this year, when Slovenia will hold the presidency of Council of the European Union.

Jansa denies restricting media freedoms, and wrote a letter to von der Leyen in late February to insist that the allegations are “absurd”.

Central Europe’s Media-Capture Epidemic

The Hungarian Media Council’s decision last September not to renew the broadcast license of Klubradio, the country’s last remaining opposition radio station, surprised no one. The council did not bother to offer corroboration for its claims that Klubradio repeatedly violated media laws, nor did anyone expect it to. The episode is merely the latest instalment in the Hungarian government’s long-running campaign against independent media.

The onslaught began immediately after the 2010 general election, when Prime Minister Viktor Orban and his right-wing Fidesz party returned to power. The government immediately adopted a raft of laws imposing new restrictions on media outlets, and established the loyalist-staffed Media Council to enforce them. Within a year or so, all independent journalists who had worked in public media had been ousted, and the public broadcaster became a government mouthpiece.

Since then, Fidesz has steadily tightened its grip on Hungarian media. Through a clutch of supportive oligarchs, the party has seized control of major television and radio stations, news portals, and print media publishers. And in late 2018, Orban-aligned oligarchs established the Central European Press and Media Foundation, which now serves as a holding company for some 500 media entities.

Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki (L) and Hungarian PM Viktor Orban (R) attend a handover ceremony the child armour of Sigismund II Augustus on the occasion of the 30th anniversary of Visegrad Cooperation in Krakow, southern Poland, 17 February 2021. EPA-EFE/Art Service 2

An inspiration to aspiring autocrats

The effect of such centralization of media ownership and control – not seen since the pre-1989 communist era – has been profound. Last summer, the editor-in-chief of Index, Hungary’s leading news portal, was fired on obviously political grounds, prompting a mass exodus of journalists who resigned in protest.

What might once have been dismissed as an isolated experiment by an increasingly autocratic regime has evolved into a comprehensive program of media capture, a term used to describe extreme levels of control by government authorities working in cahoots with powerful business interests. Orban’s approach to the media has become a source of inspiration for oligarchs and autocratic governments around the world. Particularly in Europe, the Hungarian model is being replicated at a frenzied pace.

For example, Serbia’s state-owned Telekom Srbija has been using taxpayer money to acquire independent media companies and television channels, including PRVA TV and O2, and transform them into pro-government outlets. And in Poland, the right-wing ruling party, Law and Justice (PiS), openly calls for the “repolonization” of the country’s media. To that end, PKN Orlen, a state-run oil company, recently acquired Polska Press, a German-owned publisher of 20 regional dailies and nearly 120 weeklies.

Moreover, Hungarian oligarchs have themselves been expanding into several Western Balkan countries, with banker Jozsef Vida’s TV2 Group taking over the popular Slovenian channel Planet TV. And that acquisition followed a series of investments by Hungarian oligarchs in right-wing media companies in Slovenia and Macedonia. Orban has long supported Slovenia’s right-wing extremist prime minister, Janez Jansa, and in 2018 he offered political asylum to former Macedonian Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski, who had fled his country to avoid a two-and-a-half-year sentence for corruption.

Finally, in a separate development last October, Czech businessman Petr Kellner’s financial group, PPF, bought Central European Media Enterprises, a broadcast network with operations in five Central and Eastern European countries. Although Kellner has pledged to respect CME’s editorial independence, critics question his commitment in light of what has happened to other oligarch-acquired media in the Czech market. For example, outlets previously bought by Czech Prime Minister Andrej Babis’s businesses have kept their editorial coverage attuned to their owner’s interests, despite promises that their independence would be respected.

Media capture is not limited to Europe. Through a combination of forced acquisitions and regulatory measures, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has brought most of his country’s prominent media outlets under the control of loyal oligarchs. In Egypt, President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi launched his second term in 2018 by restructuring the media to ensure that it serves his regime. And over the past ten years, Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega has co-opted most media outlets through state bodies and family members, relying on a strategy orchestrated by his wife, Murillo.

Following the call of the opposition Momentum party, demonstrators march against the dismissal of the editor-in-chief of the Hungarian news website Index.hu, in the streets of Budapest, Hungary, 24 July 2020. EPA-EFE/ZSOLT SZIGETVARY

Strangling independent journalism

Whether it takes the form of Sisification, Orbanization or repolonization, media capture is strangling journalism in the affected countries and making it increasingly difficult for citizens to access objective information. In those cases where independent journalism has not been suppressed entirely, it has been pushed to the margins. Though there are still a few media outlets operating free of government influence in Hungary, they are too small to counter the regime’s massive propaganda machine.

Moreover, when media capture reaches the point that it has in Hungary, remaining independent outlets must tread carefully. That has certainly been the case for RTL Klub, a popular Hungarian television broadcaster owned by the German media conglomerate Bertelsmann, which suffered a loss of revenue as a result of legal provisions adopted by the Hungarian government in 2014.

Though tackling media capture is an uphill battle, there are at least some partial solutions in sight. One is to reform how public media are funded; however, this is perhaps the most difficult approach, because it targets the central mechanism by which autocrats themselves tend to control the media. Another option is to increase reliance on funding from other donors, be they private foundations, entrepreneurs, or philanthropies – many of which already support independent media. Finally, with their disproportionate influence over the current media ecosystem, today’s tech giants could be pressured to elevate, protect, or otherwise privilege independent journalism on their platforms.

Without a firm response, the epidemic of media capture will continue to spread. As long as it does, no country will be safe from the threat.

Marius Dragomir is Director of the Center for Media, Data, and Society at Central European University, and managed the research and policy portfolio of the Program on Independent Journalism in London.

The opinions expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of BIRN. Copyright Project Syndicate. Not for republication.

New Croatian Copyright Law ‘Reduces Journalists’ Rights’: Unions

After new legislation on copyright and related rights issues passed first its reading in the Croatian parliament, journalists’ associations are warning that it will not adequately protect the rights of journalists and that it gives greater rights to publishers.

Valentina Wiesner, president of the Society for the Protection of Journalists’ Copyright, DZNAP, said that the problematic part of the law concerns the relationship between authors of copyrighted work and employers.

She explained that under the proposed new law, if copyrighted work is created while the author is employed by a company, copyright will be transferred in full to the company, and will remain with the company after the author ceases working for it.

“This is really not a practice that exists anywhere in European law,” Wiesner told BIRN.

Last week, the Croatian Journalists’ Union, the Croatian Journalists’ Association and DZNAP sent an open letter to the government, parliament and Culture and Media Ministry with their own proposals for amending copyright legislation.

The law currently in force says that five years after the date of completion of work created while the author was working for a company, the copyright belongs to the author.

Under the proposed new law, as it has been interpreted by journalists’ organisations, the employer retains the copyright forever.

The journalists’ organisations want the employer only to have the option to assign the right to use an author’s work while an employment contract in force. After the termination of the contract, the employer and the author should make a new contract which will determine the amount of compensation for each future use of copyrighted works, the journalists’ organisations argue.

Wiesner also said that it is a problem is that copyrighted work done by journalists is not specifically listed as a category in the proposed legislation.

In June 2019, the EU adopted Copyright in the Digital Single Market Directive – which says it provides “a high level of protection for rights holders” – giving member states two years to enact new national laws reflecting its provisions. That is why many European countries, including Croatia, have to change their current legislation.

The European Federation of Journalists last month warned its members to closely monitor the implementation of the EU Copyright Directive in order to avoid the “Croatian scenario” and the possible denial of income to journalists through the introduction of new legislation.

Culture and Media Minister Nina Obuljen Korzinek told parliament in February while presenting the law that it would ensure that journalists and publishers are paid for the content they produced.

Maja Sever, the president of the Trade Union of Croatian Journalists told BIRN that there is room for changing the proposed law and that her union is trying to work with the ministry.

“It is clear to us that the conditions in which we all work have changed… but our job is to deal with the protection of the copyrights of individuals,” Sever said.

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