Serbia’s Pro-Govt Media Link KRIK Investigators to Crime Gang

Several pro-government tabloids on Friday ran front pages linking the widely respected investigative media portal KRIK to a brutal gang whose key members have been arrested and charged with murder, torture and drug trafficking.

The tabloid Informer accused KRIK of having “fired the first bullet” at the Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic, suggesting that it had jeopardized Vucic’s safety in cooperation with the gang. Another pro-government tabloid, Objektiv, called KRIK “a mafia-slaughtering” organization.

The media campaign started after KRIK on Thursday published news quoting an alleged official statement that Veljko Belivuk, a leader of the “Principi” gang gave to the prosecution.

In it, Belivuk claimed he did many favours to the current regime, including breaking up protests of taxi drivers, preventing violence at the Pride parade, and stopping chants against Vucic at football games.

Belivuk said he also met Vucic once in person and other ruling party members.

The President afterwards denied he had ever met Belivuk, saying that he was willing to go to jail and pay for his time spent there if that turned out to be true.

KRIK editor Stevan Dojcinovic said on Friday that the article he published was carefully written, emphasizing that Belivuk could not be completely trusted, but that his allegations coincided with some things that were known in the past.

“We knew that this criminal group had strong connections in the police and politics, we knew that the government controlled the stands at the Partizan FC stadium through the Belivuk group, we knew about some things before,” Dojcinovic said, adding that they had not published all of Belivuk’s claims but only key matters of public interest.

“They called me personally and KRIK many names, but I have never seen such a sick and brutal statement, which shows that they are in great fear,” Dojcinovic added of his media assailants.

The gang’s connections to state officials, including a former senior police official and the current general secretary of the Progressive Party-led government, are documented.

Some members of the group formed part of the security detail at President Vucic’s inauguration in 2017, where they were caught on camera manhandling journalists.

Vucic’s 23- year-old son, Danilo, was photographed several times with various gang members. A KRIK journalist, Bojana Pavlovic, had her phone snatched away, to which police did not intervene, after she pictured the President’s son with members of the gang in June 2020.

However, after the arrest of Belivuk’s group in February, pro-government tabloids started publishing hostile stories about the gang along with material leaked from the police investigation.

Smear campaigns against KRIK and connecting it with members of the gang are also not new. Pro-government media in March this year also linked KRIK with Belivuk’s group, although KRIK, among some other Serbian investigative media, was the only one publishing stories about him and his gang.

KRIK is a non-profit organisation that for years has been engaged in exposing crime and corruption and has received many awards for its work.

It is part of the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project, OCCRP, an international non-profit organisation that is a consortium of investigative centers and independent media in 20 countries around the world.

Bulgaria Censured for Expelling Turkish Journalist Fleeing Arrest

Bulgaria’s actions in handing back a journalist wanted by the Turkish authorities in 2016 were unlawful and were part of the systematic expulsion of refugees and migrants with no examination of the risk of torture, inhuman or degrading treatment, the European Court of Human Rights decided on Tuesday.

The Bulgarian state was ordered to pay the journalist 15,000 euros in damages.

The court in Strasbourg found that he was forced to leave Turkey amid a widespread crackdown in the aftermath of a failed coup in July 2016.

“I was working as a journalist in the town of Bozova. After the attempted coup, I was dismissed from the newspaper. I changed address and found out that the police had been looking for me at my former address,” said the journalist, according to the court’s legal summary of the case.

Along with eight other refugees from Turkey and Syria, he was captured in a truck at the Bulgarian-Romanian border on October 14, 2016.

Despite expressing his fear of return, at no point did the Bulgarian authorities assess the risk of torture, mistreatment and further political persecution, the court ruling said. He was not granted access to a lawyer or interpreter.

He was returned to Turkey within less than 24 hours. Upon arrival, he was detained, and in December 2019, sentenced to seven-and-a-half years in prison for membership of a terrorist organisation.

According to the European Court of Human Rights, the Turkish verdict was largely based on the fact that he had the messenger application Bylock installed on his mobile phone. The app is used by the movement led by cleric Fethullah Gulen, which the Turkish government claims was behind the attempted coup and regards as a terrorist organisation.

“The ECtHR’s decision provides belated but important satisfaction for the applicant. It sets a strong counterpoint to Bulgaria’s longstanding practice of denying refugees protection from persecution and handing them straight back to their persecutors,” said the journalist’s lawyer, Carsten Gericke.

There has been no immediate official reaction from Bulgaria to the court’s ruling.

A BIRN investigation in October 2019 found that over 250 Turkish citizens requested asylum in Kosovo, Bosnia, North Macedonia and Bulgaria following the failed coup in Turkey.

Balkan Region’s Media Pluralism Stagnated in Pandemic, Report Warns

Balkan countries have experienced a general stagnation or deterioration in terms of media pluralism and media freedoms during 2020, shows a new study, “Media Pluralism Monitor 2021”, published by the Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom at the European University Institute.

These trends can be observed through the four fundamental risk areas encompassed in the study: fundamental protection, market plurality, political independence and social inclusiveness.

Medium and high-risk factors for Balkan countries

In the area of fundamental protection, which among other things encompasses the protection of freedom of information, right to information and observing of journalistic standards, North Macedonia scores best out of all the Balkan countries in the study.

On a scale from 0 to 100 when scores between 0 and 33 per cent are marked as low risk factors, scores between 34 to 66 per cent mark medium risk, and scores between 67 and 100 per cent indicate high risk, only North Macedonia was marked as low risk, with a score of 32 per cent.

The rest of the countries were put in the medium risk group. Croatia scored 42 per cent, Montenegro 43 per cent, Serbia 45 per cent, Slovenia 48 per cent and Albania 59 per cent.

In the area of market plurality, which looked at issues like transparency of media ownership, news media concentration and owners’ influence over the editorial policies of the outlets, Montenegro was ranked best with 62 per cent, followed by North Macedonia with 64 per cent, both being ranked medium risk.

The rest of the countries were marked high risk. Serbia scored 69 per cent, Croatia 71 per cent, Slovenia 76 per cent while Albania ranked worst, with 89 per cent.

The third area concerns over political independence, which measures indicators such as editorial autonomy, state regulation and resources allocated to media and the independence of funding. All countries from the region in the survey, bar Slovenia, were marked as medium risk.

North Macedonia again scored best with 50 per cent, followed by Serbia on 57 per cent, Croatia with 61 per cent, Montenegro and Albania which both scored 64 per cent. Slovenia was marked as a country of high risk with a score of 73 per cent.

The fourth fundamental risk area in the report, social inclusiveness, encompasses indicators like access to media by minorities, as well as for local and regional communities, access to media for women, media literacy as well as protection against illegal or harmful speech.

In this risk area, North Macedonia again scored best with 58 per cent, followed by Croatia with 61 per cent, the only two countries marked with a medium risk factor.

Serbia scored 67 per cent, Slovenia 70 per cent, Albania 72 per cent and Montenegro scored worst, with 73 per cent.


Illustration: Pixabay

General stagnation or decline

Starting with Slovenia, the report noted that all monitored areas showed a slight or significant deterioration compared to the findings of the Media Pluralism Monitor 2020.

“Unlike many other EU countries, Slovenia and its government did not enable or promote any financial, fiscal, or tax instrument, strategy, or other potential intervention aimed at strengthening media plurality or, for example, social inclusiveness” during the pandemic of 2020, the report noted.

For Croatia, another EU country, the report noted that the regulation of the media sector has been stagnant for years, which has resulted in the deterioration of media pluralism.

The report said that, “there is no overarching media strategy, or initiative, to tackle specifically local issues such as poor protection of the journalistic profession and standards. The country has seen a surge of SLAPPs and defamation charges aimed at journalists”, adding: “Political interference without considerations of public interests is seen in many appointment procedures: from the public service media to the main media regulator.”

On Albania, the report noted that the country is weakest in terms of market pluralism, where it “faces a high level of news media concentration in its audio visual media market, while the viability of most outlets – apart from a number of family owned conglomerates that control the lion share of revenues and audiences, is weak”.

In the area of fundamental protection, Albania should do more to increase professional and journalistic standards, the report said, in order to avoid the threat of government intervention to regulate online media content, as proposed by the current ruling Socialist Party.

As for Montenegro, the report said the country’s legal framework is suitable for the development of media pluralism, but more in a quantitative than in a qualitative sense.

While the process of establishing media, especially online, is extremely free, there is no effort to boost professional or ethical standards. In addition, efforts to create and implement rules for digital news media that limit political influence have generally been sporadic, insufficient, and ineffective, the report said.

“Existing legal solutions allow political power to control the public broadcaster and the other media at the national and local levels, the report further states, especially through their dependency on public financing” the report also noted.

The report also said that the establishment of the state-level Fund for Encouraging Media Pluralism and Diversity is an innovation that may yet prove its worth, provided that strong control over the distribution of resources is established.

When it comes to Serbia, the general conclusion is that while the country has a solid legal framework covering traditional media, full enforcement of this is missing.

Some highlighted points are political and state advertising in media, lack of transparent media ownership and the lack of protection for media workers and instances of attacks on journalists that remain unsanctioned.

“During the 2020 election campaign, the so-called functionary campaign turned out to be the weakest element in media regulation, so this issue should be arranged by the Law.  The area of political advertising and reporting on spending on online platforms campaigns should be regulated by the Law as well. Political advertisement should be equally accessible to all political players, under the same conditions,” the report said.

Of the six countries from the region, North Macedonia had the highest overall score. The report notes that the situation in 2020 “significantly improved” compared to 2016, the last year of the former authoritarian PM Nikola Gruevski who was ousted in 2017.

The report notes that media freedoms are broader, journalists and their associations are no longer exposed to serious physical attacks and pressures, and the regulator is fairly independent and more efficient.

However, risks remain present: “The market is fragmented, most media are economically weak, and the working status of journalists is still unstable,” the report noted.

In general, for all countries, the report points out that for most of the countries’ populations, especially the young, online media have become their main source of information, and with this comes their increased exposure to disinformation and hate speech.

This creates a new challenge for all these countries’ regulatory policies, the report concludes.

The Media Pluralism Monitor 2021 was published as a research tool designed to identify potential risks to media pluralism in member states of the European Union and candidate countries.

The project, under a preparatory action of the European Parliament, was supported by a grant awarded by the European Commission to the Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom at the European University Institute.

Polish Govt Prepares Attack on Major Independent TV Station

A draft law published at 9pm on Wednesday would make it impossible for the Polish national broadcasting council, KRRiT, to renew the licence of TVN24, the most important private news channel in the country. Its licence expires in August. It would also impact the future of TVN as a whole.

According to the proposed text, the governing PiS party plans to modify the law on radio and television to prevent media companies whose owners are based outside the European Economic Area – the European Union plus Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway – from getting licences.

The formal owner of TVN, which includes TVN24, the all-news channel, is Polish Television Holding BV, registered in the Netherlands, which in its turn is owned by the US media company Discovery, Inc.

The government claims the modifications are necessary to fight “hybrid activities by third states,” but most independent observers see them as a direct attack on TVN, whose news channels have published investigations on and critical coverage of the PiS government.

In a statement on Tuesday, the TVN management said its ownership structure was “compatible with the law on radio and television, which is confirmed by independent expert analyses conducted by well-known legal experts”.

Since PiS took over the state television TVP, including its all-news channel TVP Info, it has turned into a propaganda machine for the governing party.

According to research by Havas Media Group, TVN24 had higher ratings than TVP Info during 2020.

After taking over state media and depriving independent media of state advertising during its first mandate, PiS is focusing now on weakening critically inclined private media.

In December last year, the state energy company PKN Orlen, run by a PiS ally, announced it was taking over Polska Press, the owner of much of Poland’s regional and local media. Purges in newsrooms owned by Orlen have followed.

In February, IPI, a Vienna-based NGO that monitors media freedom, published a report that detailed how PiS was step by step destroying independent media in Poland.

“This policy of death by a thousand cuts means that on their own, these measures have been scattered enough to avoid further battles with Brussels over the rule of law,” Jamie Wiseman, an advocacy officer at IPI, told BIRN at the time.

“Taken together, they amount to a concerted campaign of administrative pressure aimed at destabilising critical media businesses and a direct attack on press freedom,” he said.

The draft law stands a good chance of being passed by the parliament, even if one party in the governing coalition, Agreement, led by Jaroslaw Gowin, might not support it. PiS might count on the extra votes from the far-right Confederation and from the maverick Kukiz’15 group.

EU Warns Albania Against Electing ‘Partisan’ Media Authority Chief

The European Union office in Tirana has voiced concern about the political impartiality of the new members and chief of Albania’s main media regulatory body.

In a statement, it emphasized that “media regulatory authorities need to work impartially, transparently and with a legitimacy that is recognised by all”, and that “no doubt should exist about the non-partisan, professional & pluralistic nature of the work” of the institution.

“We invite the authorities to consider proceeding with this nomination under the new parliament starting in September, together with the appointment of the other board members of the Authority, in order to achieve the widest possible consensus and legitimacy,” the statement published on Twitter reads.

Albania’s parliament, currently controlled by the governing Socialists and their associates, is planning to elect a new Audiovisual Media Authority Board, AMA, where the main contender is Armela Krasniqi, a close associate of Socialist Prime Minister Edi Rama.

BIRN has learned that the EU statement on Wednesday came after the Socialists spurned an EU private request to postpone the vote.

The AMA supervises the television and radio market in Albania. Rama attempted in 2019 to extend and empower it to supervise and order take-downs or fine online media, claiming it was needed to combat defamation.

The AMA is historically perceived as politically biased, as the members of the board are proposed by political parties. However, the possible election of Krasniqi, a known close associate of the Prime Minister, has raised hackles.

The political bias of AMA was one of the arguments provided by the Venice Commission against extending its power to supervise online media.

The so-called anti-defamation package was approved by the governing Socialists despite local and international criticism but has been blocked by President Ilir Meta’s veto.

Rama once claimed he had withdrawn the law proposal. However, no formal step to remove it from the parliamentary agenda has been undertaken, and the law is still listed as up for discussion.

Slovenian Government ‘Eroding Media Freedom’, Report Warns

A new report published on Wednesday says that Slovenia, which takes over the rotating presidency of the EU on Friday, “has seen press freedom deteriorate ever since [Prime Minister Janez] Jansa returned to power in March 2020”.

“Since then, the ruling SDS [Slovenian Democratic] Party has embarked on a multipronged campaign to reshape the media landscape in favour of a pro-government narrative, renewing tactics successful during previous administrations and forging ahead with new forms of pressure,” said a press release for the report by Media Freedom Rapid Response, a group of press freedom organisations and journalism groups.

The report says said that the ruling party has been making “an aggressive attempt to seize greater control of the country’s public service broadcaster and national news agency using a mix of legal and administrative pressure”.

In late May, Slovenian journalists’ unions criticised the Culture Ministry after it revealed that several radio stations, well-known critical newspapers and investigative media outlets will no longer receive state funds.

These media outlets were defunded for their alleged “partiality”, but unions maintained that the Culture Ministry’s assessment was arbitrary. The Ministry insists the funding decisions were based on expert opinions.

The Media Freedom Rapid Response claims that at the same time, “propaganda media are being rewarded with lucrative state advertising contracts”.

Slovenia’s government also suspended financing for the Slovenian Press Agency, STA from the beginning of the year, alleging that the agency failed to deliver documents based on which it would be possible to determine a fair financing arrangement.

But some suspect that Jansa’s government is putting pressure on the STA to change its editorial policy by ‘weaponising’ the funding issue.

Slovenian media reported on Monday that the government has now asked its communications office to transfer a 845,000-euro advance to the STA for expected expenses.

Although the Media Freedom Rapid Response report welcomes the announcement, “serious concerns remain over the conditionality of this agreement and its detrimental effects on the independence of the agency”.

“We believe the government is only making this move because of the sustained criticism it has received for its actions and the need to remedy the situation before assuming the EU Presidency,” it says.

It also says that the Jansa government’s tactics “raise alarm as they reflect elements of the media capture strategy employed by Hungarian leader Viktor Orban”.

“Moreover, an influx of Hungarian capital linked to Orban’s Fidesz party is being used to prop up Slovenian pro-government media,” it adds.

A combative figure in the country, Jansa is known for his ‘Twitter wars’ against the media and individual journalists – and for his belief that he is fighting an entrenched left-leaning ‘deep state’.

An ally of Hungary’s authoritarian premier Orban, he has been accused of trying to take Slovenia down the same road.

Kosovo’s Broadcaster at Crossroads as MPs Ready to Sack Board

Ilir Bytyci, member of the board of Kosovo’s public broadcaster, Radio Television of Kosovo, RTK, submitted his abrupt resignation on Thursday, claiming he was quitting to distance himself from “all the illegal actions and possible ethical code violations” occurring in RTK. He also cited an inability to “change things from the inside”.

Sali Bashota, head of the RTK board, followed by issuing a statement saying the resignation was illegal, as it should have been submitted three months in advance.

In recent months, BIRN has reported that while Bashota was a member of the board, his son-in-law was hired as a janitor in RTK, which is against the law, as members of the board are forbidden from employing relatives.

BIRN has also reported how family members of former Kosovo president Hashim Thaci were hired as a copyright expert, a camera operator and in the marketing department.

Allegations of nepotism


Kosovo public broadcaster, RTK, board reporting to the parliamentary commission. Photo: BIRN

In the last couple of months, Bashota and Ngadhnjim Kastrati, RTK’s General Director, were grilled about these employments by two parliamentary commissions that oversee the RTK.

Bashota admitted that his son-in-law had been hired, while Kastrati defended the employment of Thaci family members, claiming that MPs should not interfere in recruitment processes.

However, citing BIRN’s investigations and other violations, Fadil Hoxha, head of RTK’s Independent Workers’ Union, met Glauk Konjufca, speaker of parliament, on May 6, and submitted a request for parliament, as the broadcaster’s oversight body, to dismiss the board.

Finally, on Tuesday, the Parliamentary Committee on Public Administration, Local Government, Media and Regional Development voted to dismiss the board, following a recommendation from the Parliamentary Committee on Budget, Labour and Transfers.

This sets the stage for parliament to dismiss the entire board of RTK in a session due next week.

Valon Ramadani, member of the committee from the ruling Vetevendosje party, on Tuesday said that RTK needs change.

“RTK needs reform and more accountability. The state budget allocates it around 15 million euros a year, and we don’t know where this money is being spent,” Ramadani said.

He was referring to claims that management has not allowed the National Audit Office to audit RTK, although it is common practice for the national auditor to audit public institutions.

Although RTK refused auditing in the past, on Tuesday the board said it had informed the National Audit Office that it was ready for a financial audit, while citing “legal limitations” over whether the broadcaster should be subject to such a process.

Armend Muja, a Vetevendosje MP, told BIRN that they recommended the dismissal of the board because of “their professional inability and continuous failure to implement their duties”.

Doarsa Kicaj, head of the media committee, read out some of the recommendations from the budget committee, which listed a number of issues with the board.

Kicaj highlighted the budget committee’s finding that RTK’s management had refused to be audited, and the failure to comply with procurement procedures and compile a legally required long-term strategy.

“If all these issues are not important to you, it’s painful,” Kicaj said, adding that the broadcaster needs to be accountable for receiving millions of euros of taxpayers’ money a year.

However, representatives of the opposition parties in the commissions, the Democratic Party of Kosovo, PDK, the Democratic League for Kosovo, LDK, and Alliance for the Future of Kosovo, AAK, are either objecting or absenting themselves from the debate about the board’s dismissal.

One of PDK’s representatives on the budget committee, Mergim Lushtaku, said the findings of the committee were not enough evidence to initiate the dismissal of the board.

Lushtaku conceded that RTK was not in good shape but insisted that the board should not be dismissed for what he described as political reasons.

The LDK representative on the committee, Agim Veliu, recently sacked as head of the LDK branch in Podujevë, where he was mayor, claimed that sacking the board was a political act, and an attempt to capture a public media that should be independent.

The day the parliamentary commission approved the request to dismiss the RTK board, Enver Hoxhaj, acting head of the biggest opposition party, the PDK, accused Vetevendosje and Prime Minister Albin Kurti of trying to control the media and public opinion.

“What we in the PDK have warned about is happening; two things characterise this government: political fraud in the absence of a proper government programme, and authoritarianism as the only way they know,” Hoxhaj posted on Facebook. The board has also said the proposed dismissal is a violation of the Law on RTK.

“The political fight against this media, constructed over ‘alternative facts’, is unjust and is aimed at instrumentalising the public broadcaster for political reasons,” the board said in its reaction on the day the recommendation for its dismissal was voted.

“RTK Board has been and remains open to provide answers to parliament as RTK’s founder on any issue related to its scope, under any situation and circumstances,” it added.

Warnings of possible politicisation

Illustration. Photo: BIRN/ Urim Krasniqi

A media lawyer, Flutura Kusari, told BIRN that she welcomes the initiative to dismiss the board.

“The misuses that have happened over the decades should end. It is important that those responsible for destruction or allowing the regress of RTK to be held accountable,” Kusari said.

But, besides the dismissal, Kusari said the way the governing coalition handles the situation afterwards is important, and future board members should not be politically affiliated.

“What should happen next is that Vetevendosje and other government coalition partners must immediately start the process of selecting new members and that those elected must not be political figures. They should not elect anyone who has supported Vetevendosje, as it is very important that the election of a new board is not questioned by anyone,” Kusari added.

Arta Berisha, a media expert, says that in recent years RTK has lost its primacy in Kosovo’s media scene.

“With its budget and public responsibility, which it enjoys by law, RTK should have been in front of the changes that came as a result of the internet … and not remain hostage to those who have gone too far, publishing misleading and disinformation content,” he said.

Vulnerable to government pressure

In its 2020 Progress Report, the European Commission ruled that Kosovo’s public broadcaster “remains vulnerable to political pressure and influence”.

“To date, the broadcaster remains directly state-funded, with its budget determined annually by the Assembly [parliament]. This undermines its independence, weakens its long-term sustainability and leaves it prone to political influence,” the report said.

RTK was established by the UN provisional administration in Kosovo, UNMIK, in September 1999.

Initially, it was financed through compulsory monthly payments, with each family owning a TV paying 3.5 euros via their electricity bill.

In 2009, Kosovo’s Constitutional Court suspended this way of financing. Pending an amendment to the law, RTK has been financed directly by the state budget since.

In 2012, four years after Kosovo declared independence from Serbia, parliament approved a law on RTK but it has not resolved the issue of its property.

In 2016, the broadcaster faced an eviction ultimatum by the Kosovo Agency of Privatisation for illegally occupying the premises of the now-defunct Radio Television of Pristina, RTP. However, the ultimatum was never applied.

“The current board has not proposed any strategy to ensure adequate, sustainable and transparent financing,” the Commission wrote in its justification for the board’s dismissal.

Often accused of over-employment, in 2020 RTK reported 1,024 employees including 806 with regular contracts and 216 others working part time as journalists, actors or correspondents. The report says that 68.5 percent of RTK’s budget goes on salaries.

Media expert Arta Berisha says it is important for RTK to have professionals in its ranks while politics should not interfere in its job.

“RTK should have autonomy and function in line with professional norms, oriented toward ethics and in the service of the public,” Berisha said.

Flutura Kusari meanwhile thinks that RTK would have a future if those responsible for “its destruction” face justice.

“The motion to dismiss the board is only the first step which should be followed by a parliamentary and criminal inquiry. There is no future if those who have taken RTK to the brink of destruction are not held accountable,” Kusari concluded.

Platform B: Amplifying Strong and Credible SEE Voices

Together with our partners, BIRN is launching a series of online and offline events aimed to amplify the voices of strong and credible individuals and organisations in the region that promote the core values of democracy, such as civic engagement, independent institutions, transparency and rule of law.

As a primarily media organisation, we want to open space and provide a platform to discuss and reshape our alliances in light of the challenges facing democracies in South-East and Central Europe.

This effort comes at a critical time when the region is seeing several troubling trends: centralized power, reduced transparency, assaults on media, politicized judiciaries, unchecked corruption, online violations and social polarization – all amidst heightened geopolitical tensions and deep divisions in Europe.

Due to the ongoing pandemic, Platform B event series will be organised in accordance with all relevant health measures. As the situation improves, we hope to be able to host some of the events in BIRN spaces in Sarajevo and Belgrade, and elsewhere in the region.

The Platform B will be an opportunity for individuals and groups to meet monthly on selected topics.

Illustration: Marta Klawe Rzeczy

Opening event: Digital Rights Falter Amid Political and Social Unrest: What Now?

Date: 1 July, 2021 (Thursday)

Time: 15.00, CET

At this event, BIRN and SHARE Foundation will discuss its annual digital rights report,together with other members of the newly established SEE Network, talking about the key trends concerning the digital ecosystem.

We monitored digital rights in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Hungary, North Macedonia, Romania and Serbia and collected more than 1500 cases of online violations.

In Southern and Eastern Europe, where online disinformation campaigns are endangering guaranteed individual freedoms, and while the decline in internet safety has become a worrying trend, citizens with poor media and digital illiteracy have been left without viable protection mechanisms.

The event participants will have an opportunity to discuss and hear reflections from representatives of: EDRi, Zasto ne?, Citizen D, Homo Digitalis, SCiDEV, Partners Serbia, Metamorphosis, Atina NGO, Media Development Center.

More information and registration

Second event: Freedom of Information in the Balkans: Classified, Rejected, Delayed

Date: July 15, 2021 (Thursday)

Time: 14.00, CET

The global pandemic has been used as an excuse for many Balkan states to not fully implement freedom of information laws, leaving the public in the dark.

Transparency has been another victim of the COVID-19 pandemic.

While on paper, freedom of information laws are up-to-date in almost all countries in the region, implementation is patchy at best and has grown worse since governments clamped down on the flow of information with the onset of the coronavirus.

Together with journalists, public information officers and colleagues from Open Government Partnership we will reflect on the findings of BIRN’s tracking institutional transparency report and offer recommendations on how to make our institutions open and accountable.

Registration form will be available here soon.

Events in August and in the fall will focus on investigative journalism and gender justice.

Attacks on Moldovan Journalists Increased in 2020, Report Says

The number of attacks on journalists and media representatives in Moldova increased significantly in 2020, according to a media report on such attacks in the post-Soviet space by Justice for Journalists, an NGO based in London.

The study identified 68 attacks or threats against professional and civilian media workers and editorial offices of print and online publications in Moldova in 2020.

About 49 of the 68 attacks were non-physical, however, some in cyberspace, including campaigns to discredit or illegally obstruct journalists and deny access to information, or other forms of harassment, intimidation and pressure on social networks. Non-physical attacks included defamation and libel cases against the media or media personnel.

Four of the five physical attacks on journalists recorded in 2020 were initiated by the State Guard and Protection Service, the police, or the Russian military stationed in the breakaway region of Transnistria.

“Three out of five cases of physical attacks on media workers involved physical attacks and threats to the life, freedom and health of journalists who covered the protests [that year],” the report said.

“In 2020, the media and journalists were not adequately protected by current legislation [of Moldova]. Even though media outlets are no longer closed in Moldova, and the print media are no longer seized, illegal sanctions and intimidation of journalists remain routine,” the study said.

The number of incidents against journalists increased by almost 20 per cent compared to 59 registered in 2019, according to Justice for Journalists.

All the cases are shown on the Media Risk Map, which covers the period from 2017 onwards. Most attacks took place during protests and important political events in 2020, many of them related to the presidential electoral campaign.

The report includes statistical data for daily monitoring of attacks on media employees in 12 post-Soviet countries.

Albania Parliament’s Race to Fill Media Board Causes Alarm

Albania’s parliament on Monday announced vacancies for four positions on the board of the country’s Audio-visual Media Authority, AMA, without waiting for the new parliament elected in the April 25 elections to give its view, prompting concerns about the creation of a one-sided board supportive of Edi Rama’s ruling Socialists.

The decision follows the election of four members of the board of Albania’s public broadcaster, two of whom have a clear political affiliation.

Both boards should by law be politically independent, but their members in practice are widely seen as representatives of the parties who propose them in parliament.

Moreover, the current parliamentary opposition bench comprises a number of MPs who have meanwhile gone over to the government side, causing concern that the new boards will be totally dominated by Socialist Party supporters.

Koloreto Cukalli, head of the Albania Media Council, an NGO based in Tirana, said it looked like a power grab by the Socialists that could damage the credibility of the AMA for years.

“Such institutions should be independent and not, as they have been till now, cross-party boards,” Cukalli said, citing an opinion of the Venice Commission. “If the current parliament elects all of them [the board members], the AMA’s reputation will suffer even more,” he added.

Elvin Luku, head of Medialook, a think tank based in Tirana, added that the current parliament lacked the credibility to elect the new board members, and should leave the task to September, when the new parliament meets.

“The election of the board members of the public broadcaster by the current parliament poses concerns in terms of political independence,” Luku told BIRN.

“We already have a problem with editorial independence and the editorial freedom of the media, so it is of crucial importance that the next parliament elects the AMA board members, not this one”, he said.

The Media Commission of parliament debated the candidates for membership of the public broadcaster board on 26 February.

The law grants the opposition in parliament the right to veto some of the candidates, a right deigned to stop the majority party from imposing its choice. Klajdi Qama, an opposition MP, exerted this right, according to the Commission report on the meeting.

Less then two months later, however, Qama became a Socialist Party candidate in the elections. Despite that, he is still nominally representative of the opposition in the current parliament – one of several MPs from the former opposition that has gone over to the ruling Socialist side.

Other MPs, also nominally representing the opposition, have consistently voted in favour of the government, granting the Socialists a de facto supermajority that will end only when the current parliament is dissolved.

Because of this, the boards of various independent institutions are now seen as tools of the ruling Socialists and not, as before, as representing both the government and opposition.

The last elections, which the Socialists again won, took place on April 25 but the previous parliament is still sitting and won’t likely be dissolved until July 7. The new parliament is expected to meet on 9 September.

“Personally, I would prefer to have AMA board vacancies filled by the next parliament,” media expert Luku told BIRN, pointing out that the vacancies were created in 2018 and 2019, so waiting a few more months will not make much difference.

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