Turkey Threatens to Jail Journalists Reporting Critically on Companies

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s ruling Justice and Development Party, AKP, has submitted a new bill to parliament criminalizing critical news reports about companies.

According to the proposed law, journalists may be jailed for up to three years as well as face fines for having “deliberately created a report that could damage the reputation, trust and wealth of the company through the media”.

“Turkey’s ranking in press freedom and freedom of expression indexes has been showing a steady decline for years. Unfortunately, with steps taken like the most recent preparation to penalise journalists’ work citing the alleged protection of commercial images, it will take yet another hit,” Gurkan Ozturan, Media Freedom Rapid Response Coordinator at the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom, ECPMF, told BIRN.

“Journalists and journalism cannot be punished [for such reports]; it is not a crime,” he added.

Ozturan said the bill proposes to stiffen the protection of commercial entities by empowering them to lead strategic lawsuits against public participation, often known as SLAPPs, which are used increasingly to silence and target journalists.

According to the proposed law, the law will be applicable even if the name of the relevant company is not mentioned in the news report.

If private or public harm is done to the company as a result of the news report, the penalty may be increased further by one-sixth.

“While in the European Union, which the Turkish government aspires to be part of, there are steps to create protection for media freedom and journalists against such acts, Turkey seems to be heading in the opposite direction,” Ozurtan said.

“Also, as part of the same bill, there is provisionally going to be a reduction in the punishment for tax evasion,” Ozturan noted, saying the proposed law does not seem compatible either with the rules of the free market or with the principles of media freedom.

Erdogan’s government has been accused before of favouring certain private companies by delivering them large public tenders, multibillion construction projects and tax reductions.

The opposition says the new draft law clearly aims to protect those companies.

Turkey was ranked in 153th place out of 180 countries in 2021 in the latest press freedom index of the watchdog organisation Reporters Without Borders, RSF, which classifies the Turkish government’s control over media outlets as high.

According a recent report published by Association of Journalists, 241 journalists were put on trial and 115 physically attacked in Turkey in 2021.

Albanian Journalists Threatened by Suspected Gang Member’s Staff

Albania’s Media Authority, AMA, on Wednesday condemned the manhandling and threatening of a journalist and camera operator from Top Channel, Albania’s leading television channel.

The journalists were targeted by unidentified employees at Ovvital, a poultry farm owned by a suspected crime gang member, Top Channel said on Tuesday.

In a video aired by the station, an unknown staffer is heard telling the crew that he knew how to “cut women into pieces”.

“Earlier I was the one who could cut a woman into pieces, but now I have a little girl myself,” the man is heard saying, threatening a female journalist.

“The employees [of the company] manhandled the journalists and used physical and psychological violence. They also damaged their equipment,” the AMA said, deeming the event “a flagrant violation against freedom of speech”.

The journalists were reporting a bird flu pandemic that has killed hundreds of thousands of chickens at several farms in central Albania, causing the price of eggs to skyrocket.

Ovvital, the company where the incident occurred, is owned by Xhevdet Troplini, who, according to Albanian Police is suspected of being member of an organized crime group. However, an investigation into him in 2020 yielded no results.

Turkish Journalist Who Revealed Islamist NGO’s Murky Ties Faces Prison

Metin Cihan, an independent investigative journalist faces three to six years in a Turkish prison over his investigation revealing the ties between the Turkish Youth Foundation, TUGVA, a political Islamist NGO, and President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s government and family.

“The case was not a surprise. As we’ve got used to, they do not punish the people who commit crimes but the ones who reveal them,” Cihan told BIRN.

The prosecutors’ office in Istanbul has asked for a jail sentence of between three years and nine months and ten years and six months for Cihan and Ramazan Aydoglu, a former TUGVA member who allegedly shared documents with him.

The indictment said Aydogdu accessed the files of the foundation, thought to have been acquired from the TUGVA’s computers, “without consent or the right to do so”, and then sent these files to Cihan, manipulating and changing them.

Documents shared by Cihan, who is currently based in Germany, reveal that TUGVA, which has members of President Erdogan’s family on its board, used its influence with Erdogan to appoint its members to posts in the state, police and military.

Documents that BIRN has also seen also show that pro-government businesspeople, municipalities and governor offices finance TUGVA.

Cihan said that TUGVA wants to send a message with this court case.

“They want to show that they are still strong in the judiciary with this indictment. According to my information, the prosecutor was chosen for this case deliberately. Secondly, TUGVA administration received reactions from its own members after I revealed the documents. TUGVA then promised that the people who leaked and shared documents will be punished,” Cihan said.

According to Cihan, “This case is just the continuation and consequence of the illegality of the parallel state created by TUGVA within state institutions. In future, this case alone will be a topic for a legal investigation,” he said.

The leaked documents include the names of people affiliated with TUGVA, their phone and ID numbers, their university of graduation and the names of the ministries, police and army branches to which they would like to be appointed – plus the dates of their interviews and the names of their “references,” who are usually members of TUGVA, or Erdogan’s ruling Justice and Development Party, AKP.

Another list also reveals that institutions closed and seized as part of a government crackdown on critics, accused of supporting the failed coup attempt in 2016, were handed over to TUGVA and five other Islamist NGOs with close ties to Erdogan’s party and government.

Thanks to generous government support, TUGVA has 37 student dormitories and more than 570 city and district offices in Turkey. The Islamist foundation organises events, conferences and projects with the aim of “raising a generation who stand for the right and for justice”.

If the indictment is accepted, Cihan and Aydogdu will stand trial before the İstanbul Criminal Court of First Instance.

SLAPP Cases Targeting Many Public Actors Besides Journalists – Report

A new report by the Coalition Against SLAPPs in Europe, CASE, “Shutting Out Criticism: How SLAPPs Threaten European Democracy”, published on Wednesday, says although journalists are most likely targets, these lawsuits also target activists, human rights defenders and academics.

“Journalists are targeted with SLAPPs because they bring information to light while activists, civil society organisations, and academics are confronted with SLAPPs because they challenge the status quo,” the report says.

Its data also show that the number of so-called Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation in Europe is growing, and that claimants are “becoming increasingly creative”.

The report recalls the example of Elitech against Friends of the Earth, FoE, Croatia and the civic initiative, Srdj je nas (“Srdj is ours”).

In 2013, the citizens’ initiative, together with the Croatian Architects Association, requested the Constitutional Court to assess the legality of the construction of a luxury resort and golf course on Srđ hill by the multinational manufacturing company Elitech. FoE Croatia placed a billboard criticising the project in a public place.

“FoE Croatia subsequently faced two different lawsuits: civil defamation against the organisation, with a request for a gagging order; and the president and two vice-presidents of FoE Croatia were criminally prosecuted for libel,” the report recalls, adding that this case “shows how SLAPPs are used as a means of silencing those speaking out about a shared concern”.

The report stresses the “chilling effect” that SLAPPs have, meaning the financial burden, the time defendants have to take to prepare their legal defence, the effort to remember details of events that often took place years previously, as well as the mental and emotional toll.

“Many described the process of dealing with the SLAPP as more taxing and intimidating than actually receiving the legal threat,” the report adds.

The paper quotes data compiled by the Croatian Journalists’ Association, HND, which recorded a total of 905 active court cases against journalists and media outlets in the country in 2020 – not all of them SLAPPS – and at least 924 cases in 2021.

In Poland, the biggest daily newspaper Gazeta Wyborcza has been targeted by more than 60 civil and criminal cases over the past few years, many of them initiated by the governing Law and Justice Party’s politicians, the paper stressed.

The Coalition Against SLAPPS in Europe, CASE, is an umbrella group uniting a range of watchdog organisations.

In January, it published a comprehensive study noting a sharp rise in SLAPP cases across Europe over the last four years – with 539 across Europe today, a fifth of that number lodged in 2021 alone.

Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation are civil claims filed against individuals or organisations. Businesses and government officials often file them against those that oppose them on issues of public concern, with a view to silencing them. They are widely seen as a tool of “modern censorship”.

A SLAPP can be based on a range of legal theories, including defamation, data protection, privacy, business torts and data protection, and often exploit gaps in procedural protections that are often highly specific to the jurisdiction in question.

Turkish Journalist Walks Free Despite Sentence for Insulting Erdogan

A Turkish court on Friday ordered the release of the well-known independent woman journalist Sedef Kabas who was sentenced to jail for insulting President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

Kabas was released from prison at the first court hearing under a super-fast judgment after being sentenced to two years and four months in prison for insulting the President by reciting a famous proverb.

Kabas told the court, where the hearing was followed by rights groups, unions and opposition parties, that she will continue to express her opinions in public.

“I will continue to tell the truth despite the experiences the current leadership is making me and others go through,” Kabas said.

Police raided her home the morning after Kabas recited a proverb on a TV show and shared it on Twitter. She was sent to prison on January 22 and had been held there ever since.

“There is a very famous proverb that says a crowned head becomes wiser. But we see it is not true. A bull does not become king just by entering the palace; the palace becomes a barn,” she said on TELE 1 TV channel.

The Supreme Board of Radio and Television, RTUK, the state agency for monitoring, regulating and sanctioning radio and TV broadcasts, stopped five shows and the channel may have to hand over 8 per cent of its profit as an administrative fine.

According to official figures, by the end of 2020, more than 160,000 people had been investigated for alleged insults against President Erdogan and more than 38,000 people were tried in court for the same reason during Erdogan’s time as Prime Minister and then President since 2002. Turkey has come under international pressure to change the insult law.

EU Presses Montenegro to Pull Plug on Russian Media

The European Union urged Montenegro on Wednesday to suspend broadcasting of Russian Today and Sputnik in line with the bloc’s restrictive measures on Russia.

On March 1, Montenegro said it had joined European Union sanctions on Russia over the Ukraine war, but most of the restrictive measures, including a ban on Russian media, remain on hold.

“We urge the government to … provide a legal basis for the competent national authorities, including the Electronic Communications Agency, AEM, to be able to take the necessary decisions,” the EU press release said.

On March 2, the EU, which Montenegro wishes to join, suspended the broadcasting of Sputnik and Russia Today in Member States, accusing them of spreading disinformation and manipulating information as an operational tool of Russia’s assault on Ukraine.

The EU’s High Representative for Foreign Affairs, Josep Borrel, said that Russian state-owned media were essential to bringing forward and supporting Russia’s military aggression in Ukraine.

Montenegro also committed itself also to ban Russian overflight of its airspace and access to its airports and to ban transactions with the Russian Central Bank and several other banks.

But so far, banning Russian flights is the only measure actually confirmed by the government.

On March 3, the Minister of Public Administration, Digital Society and Media, Tamara Srzentic called on the government to suspend Russia Today and Sputnik broadcasts.

The proposal was postponed reportedly because it was suspected that such a decision would not have enough support from within the coalition government.

“Montenegro will follow EU measures against Russia, and therefore restrictions related to stopping the spread of disinformation and propaganda through the media, which are recognized for publishing false news,” Srzentic told the daily Vijesti on March 3.

According to Montenegrin law on international restrictive measures, ministries propose measures but the government has to officially confirm them before implementation. After confirmation, the government sends a list of measures to state institutions, which must implement them.

By law, the Electronic Communications Agency can prohibit broadcasts if media promote hatred or endanger state security.

But the Association of Montenegrin Journalists on March 3 opposed the ban, likening it to censorship. “Banning the Russian media in Montenegro is wrong and w expresses fear that the domino effect will lead to censorship of freedom of expression throughout Europe,” it said.

Russia enjoys significant support in multi-ethnic and multi-confessional Montenegro, especially among the large Serbian community which make up just under 30 per cent of the population.

EU Takes RT and Sputnik Off Air, But Not to Universal Acclaim

The European Commission published its sanction to take two of Russia’s state propaganda outlets off the air in the Official Journal on Wednesday, effectively giving national media regulators the power to silence them. Some worry that the EU is overreacting.

It was on Sunday that European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen first announced that the Kremlin-backed RT (formerly known as Russia Today) and Sputnik would be banned from broadcasting across the EU.

“We will ban the Kremlin’s media machine in the EU. The state-owned Russia Today and Sputnik, and their subsidiaries, will no longer be able to spread their lies to justify Putin’s war,” von der Leyen said. “We are developing tools to ban their toxic and harmful disinformation in Europe.”

Three days later, after discussions with member states and the European Regulators Group for Audiovisual Media Services (ERGA), the details were published of the media sanction, which will apply to transmission and distribution through satellite, cable, online video sharing platforms, and applications both old and new.

“In view of the gravity of the situation, and in response to Russia’s actions destabilising the situation in Ukraine, it is necessary… to urgently suspend the broadcasting activities of such media outlets in the Union,” the Commission said. “It shall be prohibited for operators to broadcast or to enable, facilitate or otherwise contribute to broadcast, any content by the legal persons, entities or bodies in Annex XV, including through transmission or distribution by any means such as cable, satellite, IP-TV, internet service providers, internet video-sharing platforms or applications, whether new or pre-installed.”

Even before that, accessing RT and Sputnik content in countries in Central Europe and across the rest of the bloc was becoming increasingly difficult. On February 25, two days before von der Leyen’s announcement, Poland’s media regulator had already deleted a number of Russian channels from the register of permitted TV services in the country. On Tuesday, Facebook and Google’s YouTube slapped their own bans on RT’s content.

As of Wednesday afternoon, it was still possible to access from the Czech Republic RT in Russian, though not Sputnik’s Czech site.

This move by the EU took many by surprise and has not been universally welcomed.

In a rather testy interview with the BBC on Monday, Commission Vice-President Josep Borrell Fontelles said the move was not a case of censoring media or free speech, but to stop the dissemination of “lies and toxic information”. This is not about stopping “free information flow but about massive disinformation flow,” he went on.

While few would dispute that most of RT and Sputnik’s output is drivel and barely disguised Russian propaganda, the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ) said it fears the effects of this spiral of censorship on freedom of expression in Europe.

“This act of censorship can have a totally counterproductive effect on the citizens who follow the banned media,” EFJ General Secretary Ricardo Gutiérrez said in a statement. “In our opinion, it is always better to counteract the disinformation of propagandist or allegedly propagandist media by exposing their factual errors or bad journalism, by demonstrating their lack of financial or operational independence, by highlighting their loyalty to government interests and their disregard for the public interest.”

While several western journalists working for the Russian media outlets have resigned in light of the invasion, others call the move to ban them anti-democratic, a blatant case of censorship and worry about the impact on people’s jobs at a difficult time.

“Today a darker day dawns at the EU for the freedom of speech and the press,” Vaggelis Kotrozos, administrator of Sputnik Greece, told BIRN. “The attempt to silence a media outlet is anything but democratic but refers to authoritarian regimes. Russia, which is accused by the Western allies of being an ‘authoritarian’ country, has never resorted to such practices except in countermeasures to similar practices of Western countries, e.g. RT licensing in Germany.”

“The Greek office of Sputnik takes all the necessary measures for its smooth operation and the securing of all the jobs against the attempt to silence it,” he added.

Others worry that the banning of the Russian channels feeds into a wider panic about misinformation and disinformation. “RT is by no means the only target for state censorship – and if it’s taken off the air, it will not be the last,” predicted Fraser Myers, deputy editor of Spiked in the UK.

Serbia Sees Rise in Lawsuits to Silence Media and Activists: Report

Between 2010 and 2020 in Serbia, at least 26 civil lawsuits were brought against journalists, media outlets, civil society organisations and activists as a result of their efforts to monitor rights violations, says a report published on Wednesday by international human rights group Article 19, the ABA Centre for Human Rights, and the Independent Journalists’ Association of Serbia, NUNS.

The lawsuits included defamation cases against publications and the authors of articles and social media posts that exposed or criticised the apparent misuse of public funds and official malfeasance. More than half of these cases were brought between 2018 and 2020.

Such legal actions – so-called strategic lawsuits against public participation or SLAPPs – are brought to harass or subdue an adversary and prevent the exercise of fundamental rights, the report says.

Those targeted by costly civil lawsuits are often ill-equipped to defend themselves, while the danger of being confronted with damages and liability for defamation creates a chilling effect and prevents them from reporting on matters of public concern, according to the report.

Most of the 22 lawsuits analysed in the report were brought against journalists and media organisations, while four cases were brought against environmental activists and organisations, and one case against a non-governmental organisation which revealed apparent connections between a public official and war crimes.

“Journalists, media outlets and activists are facing abusive lawsuits [SLAPPs] for investigating corruption or exposing abuses of power and links between political elites and criminal groups. In light of the upcoming parliamentary elections in April, it is crucial that politicians acknowledge the dire consequences of legal harassment against journalists and openly denounce any attempt to impede their work,” Roberta Taveri, programme officer at Article 19, told BIRN.

“Both national and international actors in Serbia must play a crucial role to stop the curb of SLAPPs against independent media and enact a comprehensive system to discourage such abusive lawsuits to be initiated. We call for the alignment of key national laws’ provisions with international freedom of expression standards and for the judiciary to apply these standards in their rulings,” Taveri added.

The report shows that the majority of cases were initiated by a small number of politicians and high-level public officials in an individual capacity. These individuals also brought multiple cases against different journalists and activists.

At the same time, Serbian courts failed to apply international and regional standards that require that public officials must tolerate a greater level of criticism and intrusion into their rights due to their official positions, according to the reports.

Serbia’s Media Law and Law on Contracts and Torts allow people to sue to defend themselves from attacks on their honour or trustworthiness, but these terms can be interpreted flexibly to suit the authorities’ needs, including in order to prevent criticism, the report claims.

It argues that Serbian courts allow individuals to sue for reputational damage if they are subjected to “offensive speech”, even if no actual harm was done to their reputation.

“In cases of public officials and figures, the courts give decisive weight to alleged mental anguish caused to the plaintiff even if the actual harm to their reputation is unsubstantiated,” the report says.

“When assessing reputational harm, Serbian courts often fail to require plaintiffs to demonstrate both the falsity of the impugned statement and that it caused harm to their reputation. Often, the courts are satisfied that the statement simply caused mental distress to the plaintiff,” it adds.

The research also shows that in several cases, plaintiffs filed multiple suits against the same media or campaigners over several stories on the same topic, requiring them to engage in lengthy, extensive and costly litigation.

For instance, in 2018, Nenad Popovic, then Minister for Innovation and Technology, filed four defamation lawsuits under the Media Law against the Crime and Corruption Reporting Network, KRIK, in response to a 2018 article entitled ‘Serbian Citizens in Paradise Papers’.

KRIK published four articles with factual information such as Popovic’s business dealings, offshore assets and partnerships contained in the so-called Paradise Papers leak of information about the offshore holdings of politicians and others.

Popovic accused KRIK of publishing politically motivated, unsubstantiated articles. He filed four lawsuits, one per article, asking for one million dinars (about 8,500 euros) to compensate for the damage to his reputation caused by each of them.

Although all four lawsuits were filed in the same court, arising from the same set of facts and involving the same legal issues, the proceedings were not consolidated.

Even where defamation cases are ultimately dismissed – either in the first instance or appeal – journalists, the media and activists have to invest time and resources into their legal defence, the report explains.

The proceedings typically stretch over a long period of time – for instance, at least five completed cases were in the courts for five or more years.

In the cases reviewed for the report, journalists and human rights defenders have been required to pay between 850 and 4,657 euros in compensation.

If they lose, they are also responsible for the plaintiff’s legal fees, which cost an average of 204 to 510 euros. These are considerable amounts because the average monthly salary in Serbia is about 510 euros.

The amount of damages might not be a prohibitive amount for large media organisations, but it represents a substantial cost to small independent media organisations, and it is even more burdensome for activists and freelance journalists, the report says.

Many defendants are often unable to continue to carry out their work at the same rate due to the time and resources that they have to devote to the proceedings, it adds.

On the positive side, the report finds that Serbian legislation provides some specific safeguards against violations of the right to freedom of expression in defamation cases brought against the media.

For instance, the Media Law sets a shorter statute of limitation in cases against the media (six months from the date of the publication) compared to other civil law cases (three years from the time of alleged offence).

The Media Law also puts the burden of proof on plaintiffs who have to prove that defendants caused harm to their reputation, and that this has resulted in material or non-material damage.

Greek Prosecution of Novartis Reporters ‘an Attempt to Terrorize Journalists’

The former ruling New Democracy party MEP, and publisher of the free newspaper Free Sunday, George Kyrtsos, in a post on Twitter, condemned the prosecution of two journalists, Costas Vaxevanis and Gianna Papadakou, and a prosecutor, Eleni Touloupaki.

He said EU funds for Greece were at risk of being cut when the rule of law is violated, comparing Greece with Poland and Hungary.

New Democracy fired Kyrtsos last week as one of its MEPs over his criticism of the government’s handling of a long-running alleged drug bribery case involving the Swiss drugs firm Novartis.

It said Kyrtsos had failed to “promote the country’s positions in the European Parliament” and was instead “giving the country a bad name by questioning the independence of the Greek justice system and by comparing Greece to states that violate the rule of law”.

His behaviour “was an insult to all those who trusted him to represent them”. the party said. “There can be no tolerance for defaming the country,” it continued.

Kyrtsos on Monday responded by saying that Mitsotakis had personally warned him of his “imminent expulsion” back in April 2021. “I was surprised that he chose the battleground of Novartis in his effort to justify his authoritarian practices.”

“He has accused me of degrading the image of Greece and the government in the European Union. That kind of accusation is usually used by post-Soviet authoritarian regimes. … In my view, the negative image of the government in the European media and possibly in the European institutions is the result of Mitsotakis’ illiberal practices.”

The Novartis scandal has been the biggest political scandal in Greek history, involving ten former prime ministers and ministers from both New Democracy and its onetime left-wing rival PASOK taking bribes from the Swiss pharmaceutical giant.

The politicians denied wrongdoing and claimed the accusation was politically motivated. Novartis entered into an out-of-court settlement of $345 million with the US government.

Papadakou, an investigative journalist and press officer for The Left  in the European Parliament, interviewed an informant, Herve Falciani, a HSBC computer technician who revealed the names of the Greek businessmen in the Novartis affair who had hidden accounts in the Geneva branch of the bank.

The catalogue of the deposits held by more than 2,000 rich Greeks at the bank was handed over to the former Minister of Finance, George Papaconstantinou by Christine Lagarde with the purpose of pursuing tax offenders in October 2010. The result of the investigation was the conviction of the Papaconstantinou.

Papadakou is accused of participation in a criminal organisation that created a “fake scandal” about the Novartis affair and the so-called “Lagarde List”.

She told BIRN she was “in the spotlight because of my … revelations about the Novartis scandal on my television show.

“All of this is an organized attempt to terrorize journalists with the aim of their eventual extermination and the cover-up of two major scandals that cost the Greek people many millions of euros.”

The second targeted journalist, Costas Vaxevanis, publisher of the newspaper Documento is also facing charges of participation in a criminal organization, breach of duty and abuse of power through his newspaper’s reports on the Novartis scandal.

Other journalists in Greece make the same complaints as Papadakou.

On February 10, the lawsuit of the company WRE HELLAS SA was heard, asking for 225,000 euros from the cooperative newspaper Efimerida ton Syntakton and the journalist Tassos Sarantis accusing them of making “offensive claims against the company”.

The reason was an investigation by Sarantis into the company, which has served a barrage of lawsuits against those who opposed the installation of a wind farm it owned in the area of ​​Monemvasia, in the Peloponnese.

“The company did not limit itself to the lawsuit against me, but also sent a legal notice to Journalists’ Union of Athens Daily Newspapers asking them to delete a post in support for me,” he told BIRN.

“The lawsuits of companies against journalists such as Stavroula Poulimeni and the Syros Observatory are a double attempt to silence the press and the environmental movements,” Sarantis told BIRN.

Recently, a Greek NGO, Hopeten, served members and journalists of Solomon and Reporters United with a legal notice regarding questions they had asked them as part of their investigation into the allocation of European funds for the accommodation of asylum seekers in Greece.

Kostas Koukoumakas, a journalist and member of Reporters United, told BIRN that his team received three different legal notices before publishing the investigation, sent – he says – in order to intimidate them.

He said the Ministry of Immigration, which was accountable for managing the money, unofficially advised them to “be careful” about publishing because both companies and NGOs could file lawsuits, something that Koukoumakas interpreted as the Ministry appearing almost as their defender.

IPI Europe Advocacy Officer Jamie Wiseman said: “Journalists carrying out independent, investigative and watchdog reporting in Greece are working in an increasingly suffocating climate, facing a restrictive landscape for accessing public information, online harassment and abuse, and threat of vexatious legal threats from powerful individuals or institutions.”

Turkey Gives Foreign Media Short Deadline to Obtain Licence

Turkey’s Radio and Television Supreme Council, RTUK, the state agency that monitors and sanctions radio and television broadcasters, has given international media outlets operating in Turkey a 72-hour deadline to get a national licence.

If media outlets of Voice of America, VOA, Euronews and Deutsche Welle, DW, do not apply for a national licence, their websites will be blocked in Turkey, Ilhan Tasci, a board member at RTUK from the main opposition Republican People’s Party, warned on Wednesday.

“After the national media, the international media is next for monitoring and silencing. The real target is press freedom and plurivocality. They want a press that is silent and does not criticize,” Tasci said.

The RTUK has become a tool of Turkish President Erdogan’s autocratic government, experts say. Gurkan Ozturan, Media Freedom Rapid Response Coordinator at the European Centre for Press, told BIRN that RTUK applies disproportionate fines to independent media houses.

“Targeting national media institutions on the one hand and on the other international media institutions which have become prominent due to the poor news environment in the country raises the question of whether a new series of steps are being taken, targeting the right of society to receive information,” Ozturan said.

A recent report by independent media website Bianet on January 25 said Turkish state institutions for monitoring and regulating the media continue to target independent journalists and media houses, “in a mediascape where 90 per cent of national media outlets are controlled by the government”.

It noted that the remaining independent newspapers, including Evrensel, Sözcü, Cumhuriyet, Korkusuz, BirGun, Karar, Milli Gazette, Yenicag and Yeni Asya, were barred from carrying advertisements for public institutions in 2021, deliberately depriving them of revenue.

It also said RTUK had imposed fines on media outlets that aired critical or inquiring broadcasts, such as Fox TV, Halk TV, Tele1 and KRT. In total, broadcasters were fined 31,630,000 Turkish lira – more than 2 million euros – in 2021.

Turkey’s government increased its control on online media houses under a new law in 2019. Three years on, RTUK has decided to expand its control and monitoring of foreign media outlets, based on this law.

In a similar move, Russia banned Germany’s Deutsche Welle from operating in the country on February 4, also because of an alleged national licence issue.

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