Freemuse Launches Campaign to Tackle Online Violence and Censorship

The #KnowArtisticRights campaign, launched this week, focuses on online violence and censorship while striving to educate people about artistic rights online and the online threats facing artists around the world. Through the campaign, the organisation is providing artists with a step-by-step guide on how to behave in situations where their rights are violated online.

“The largest number of cases of violation of artistic rights and freedoms registered by Freesumse are occurring online,” says Jasmina Lazovic, Program Coordinator Global Monitoring at Freemuse, an independent international organisation based in Denmark, advocating for and defending freedom of artistic expression.

Photo by Antoine Julien on Unsplash

“Online platforms provide perpetrators of online threats the opportunities to choose false names, fake accounts, and can remain faceless. This makes it incredibly difficult to assess or ascertain, with any accuracy, the gravity or the intention behind the threat. In addition, content controls and community guidelines restrict artistic expressions under the guise of indecency wherein expressions from swearing to paintings of nipples are censored.” 

The illustrative document which explains the campaign in detail says: “Digital technology has transformed the way artists find themselves censored or persecuted. Increasingly private corporations, organised hate groups and states use data to harass, censor or persecute artists.”

Freemuse has also launched its first comprehensive Digital Toolkit. The Toolkit is a first of its kind for artists and will serve as a point of departure for individuals to navigate the censorship and harassment presented to them online. 

The Toolkit, produced by Freemuse’s Artist Relations Team in collaboration with digital safety experts, contains practical information and advice for artists on navigating the aforementioned digital challenges on the following topics: securing information and devices online; securing access online; encrypting online communication; handling harassment and life-endangering threats; and engaging with social media community guidelines and content controls.

North Macedonia Editor Faces Charges of Revealing Official Secrets

Media unions and watchdogs in North Macedonia have said they want to look into why a news portal editor has been charged with revealing official secrets.

The owner and editor-in-chief of Ekonomski Lider news portal, Ljupcho Zlatev, is accused of publishing two articles in July in which he has revealed classified documents from the former Directorate for Security and Counterintelligence, UBK, which was recently been transformed into Agency for National Security, ANB, and which he obtained illegally. He faces up to five years in prison if found guilty.

The two texts, published on July 9 and July 12, refer to a former employee of the now-defunct UBK who did not pass the security checks needed to transfer into the newly formed ANB.

Allegedly, this was because his father had participated in street protests against the change of the country’s name, which parliament had approved in early 2019, as part of a historic agreement with Greece.

“In both texts, the accused made available to the public copies of UBK documents – acts from operational checks on a person – which are listed as classified info,” the prosecution in Skopje said on Thursday.

The ANB was formed in 2019 under a law supported by both the government and opposition to replace the notorious secret police, the UBK, which was at the centre of an illegal wiretapping scandal in 2015.

To strengthen oversight over its work, the ANB no longer operates as part of the Interior Ministry but as an independent government body. It also no longer has police powers or is in charge of the technical process of surveillance, which was given to a separate agency.

But, as most of its employees come from the old UBK, a selection or vetting process was introduced to ensure that old corrupt para-intelligence structures did not get through.

Zlatev, who was seen as part of the PR machinery of former PM Nikola Gruevski and often perceived as a propagandist rather than a journalist, defended his action on social networks, saying that he had acted in the public interest.

Over the past two years, seven complaints of unethical and unprofessional conduct have been filed against Zlatev to the Journalistic Council of Ethics, a self-regulation body.

“I published [the texts] because after one father attended the protests against the change of name [to the country], his son lost his security certificate and the chance to work in the ANB,” he wrote.

“This UBK construct is a classic blow to citizens’ political freedoms and big public interests, so that is why I published the documents that a whistle-blower gave me.

“If I got similar documents now, I would also publish them without thinking twice!!! I could repeat the act because freedom and democracy are more important to me than any legal provision,” Zlatev added.

The country’s oldest and biggest media union, the Association of Journalists of Macedonia, ZNM, said it would look into the case and demand answers from the prosecution.

“We don’t know all the details of the case and analysis needs to be done. But every time a case is opened by the prosecution in the domain of freedom of expression and the right to inform, it can be problematic,” ZNM head Mladen Cadikovski told 360 Degrees news portal on Thursday.

“The public interest can be stronger than the law if publication reveals the misuse of certain institutions. We are demanding a meeting with [chief] prosecutor [Ljubomir] Joveski on several topics, and this will be one of the issues that we wish to discuss,” Cadikovski added.

New Cyber Attacks on North Macedonia Spur Calls for Better Defences

Fresh cyber attacks in North Macedonia, this time targeting the health and education ministries, are spurring calls for more sophisticated cyber protection.

Last week’s attacks took down the websites of both ministries and were claimed by the hacker group ‘Anonopsmkd’, which previously took responsibility for a July 15 attack on the country’s most popular news aggregator TIME.mk.

The denial of service attack on TIME.mk, which involved more than 35 million addresses that generated thousands of clicks per seconds, coincided with a closely-fought parliamentary election in North Macedonia when the State Electoral Commission was also targeted.

In an interview last week, Anonopsmkd denied hitting the electoral commission, but it has warned that law enforcement structures in North Macedonia are its next target, spurring calls for greater protection of state bodies in the newest member of NATO.

“There should be a single protection system that would cover all government electronic services including agencies, ministries, local governments, and any legal entity or state body,” said Skopje-based cybersecurity consultant Mane Piperevski.

“This can be achieved by having a state-level Security Operation Centre with mixed ownership (51:49 in favour of the state),” Piperevski told BIRN. “The joint protection system would be under the leadership of the company that would be in charge of this Security Operation Centre.”

Hackers obstruct election result announcement

Piperevski said such a model had been implemented in a number of European Union countries.

“There is a quality staff within the government bodies that is ready to respond to such challenges,” he said. “The only problem, however, is with politics and priorities of the work in the institutions.”

Privacy and data protection expert Ljubica Pendaroska said the protection system should be multi-layered, “in order to make to make it as hard as possible for the hackers, and thus increase the protection of information and especially the personal data of citizens.”

“It is necessary for the institutions to have a developed and functional team and a procedure for rapid intervention and response in the case of an attack,” Pendaroska told BIRN.

An investigation conducted by the Ministry of Interior concluded that the electoral commission had been the target of a denial of service or DDoS attack which blocked publication of the preliminary results. The Commission website was out of action for several days.

“The investigation of this case continues in order to determine the IP addresses from where the attack was carried out, and for additional information to be collected to determine the perpetrator of this attack,” the ministry said.

National cybersecurity body has met only once

A spate of cyber attacks on state bodies in North Macedonia over the past few months has raised fears over the safety of its IT system, a concern for NATO too since the country joined the Western military alliance in March this year.

As BIRN reported in May, several cyberattacks in a short period of time exposed gaps in how North Macedonia’s authorities are dealing with cybersecurity issues.

In one security breach two months ago, a Greek hacker group calling itself ‘Powerful Greek Army’ leaked dozens of email addresses and passwords from staffers in North Macedonia’s ministries of finance and economy. Authorities are yet to determine how exactly the attack happened.

Last year, North Macedonia formed a National Council for Cyber Security, bringing together the ministers of interior, defence and information society. But it has so far met only once.

NATO member countries bear primary responsibility for their national cyber defences, but the alliance does provide expert support and has rapid reaction teams it can deploy in emergencies.

“NATO cyber experts can offer support and share information with Allies in real-time, including through our Malware Information Sharing Platform,” a NATO official told BIRN in an emailed response. “NATO has cyber rapid reaction teams on standby to assist Allies 24 hours a day, and our Cyberspace Operations Centre is operational.”

“NATO also invests in training, education and exercises which improve the skills of national cyber experts. Any attempts to interfere with democratic elections, including through hacking, are unacceptable, so we must remain vigilant.”

North Macedonia hackers target British pop stars
A hacker group from North Macedonia has claimed to have taken down the websites of British pop stars Dua Lipa and Rita Ora.

The attacks happened amid a row that erupted this month when Lipa, whose parents were born in majority-Albanian Kosovo, posted on social media a map of ‘Greater Albania’.

Ora, who was born in Kosovo but moved to Britain as a child, voiced her support for Lipa and called for Kosovo – which declared independence from Serbia in 2008 – to appear on Apple Maps.

AnonOpsMKD claimed responsibility for the attacks.

What Happens When Academia and Media Work Together

When a team of British journalists and academics met in the fall of 2011 with staff from the London office of the Open Society Foundations (OSF) to discuss a hybrid investigative research project, all went well until the project budget was mentioned. Spending somewhere upwards of GBP 80k on a single, short-term project was expensive even for OSF, an organization bankrolled by investor George Soros that is one of the largest philanthropic funders of journalism worldwide.

Yet, the project was approved within a week or so, a record time for a large donor organization like OSF. Joseph Rowntree Foundation, a British charity, chipped in.

The project, which became known as Reading the Riots, aimed at studying the causes and consequences of the riots that erupted in several UK cities in August 2011 after the killing by police of Mark Duggan in Tottenham, London.

The British media had diligently covered the riots. The events had made headlines all over the world. But nobody had really dug deep to understand the real causes of the riots. The Guardian, a newspaper, and the London School of Economics (LSE), a university, were planning to do just that: shed light on the root of the problem through interviews with large numbers of people who actually took part in the disorder.

The results were spectacular. Already in December 2011, a study distilling the key findings from interviews with 270 participants in the riots was released by The Guardian and LSE. An analysis of more than 2.5 million riot-related tweets, conducted separately by academics at Manchester University, beefed up the investigation. The study was cited by authorities. Policymakers began to use it on a regular basis.

Reading the Riots was showing both journalists and academics how much impact they can have if they join forces.

The project though was not the first cooperation of its kind. It was, in fact, inspired by a study into the Detroit riots of 1967 carried out at the time by Detroit Free Press, a newspaper, and Michigan’s Institute for Social Research.

As we, Center for Media, Data and Society (CMDS), began last year to engage in journalism production, the London riots project re-emerged in a conversation we were having with OSF about our future projects. Following these discussions, OSF’s European arm gave us a grant to run Black Waters, an investigative research project that our center launched in April 2019 in partnership with Atlatszo, a Hungarian investigative outlet, and Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN), a journalism powerhouse covering a slew of countries across Eastern Europe.

Black Waters brought together four journalists, two anthropologists, a sociologist, an audio assistant and a natural scientist to investigate environmental corruption in Hungary and Romania. Two teams were created to look into the causes and social consequences of environmental damage along the Danube in two small settlements: Almasfuzito in Hungary and Sfantu Gheorghe in Romania.

The research uncovered different layers of corruption, which were exposed in a series of articles published by Atlatszo and Balkan Insight, BIRN’s publishing portal. A radio series covering the investigation has been aired by Radio Civic in Romania.

So, was Black Waters worth the time and money?

Powerful journalism: Lessons learned

Black Waters was from the beginning designed as a collaborative project. Journalists and researchers negotiated the crucial points of the investigations together, which allowed the journalists to better integrate the experts’ knowledge into their investigative work.

“We tried to take the anthropological perspective like looking at the structural causes, and what exactly led to that. Maybe there is something in there that people are not talking about,said Ana-Maria Luca, one of the journalists working on the project.

Wording the questions for interviews together with the researchers helped journalists to find novel directions for the story, but also to gain access to sources. That is extremely important for journalists as very often potential informants are reluctant to talk to them but are more open to anthropologists. Public institutions are also keener to provide data for scientific research than to the media. “Often in Hungary, in 80% of the cases, you can’t just approach people as a journalist. You don’t even get a ‘no’. When the anthropologist wrote to the environmental company, they answered after a few weeks,” Gabi Horn, another journalist in the project, said.

In Almasfuzito, for example, locals remained suspicious and often asked what the purpose of the interviews was. Rebuilding their trust again and again was necessary throughout the project.

“By having somebody in the field, you can create a relationship with the community, and a journalist can use this person to empathize with the community,” said Dumitrita Holdis, one of the researchers in the project, adding that the problem is not solved so easily: “I would rather have things off the record. That’s why a journalist can’t really use my research. My interviews are not sources for them.”

Although the journalists couldn’t quote what the academic researchers have gathered with the assurance of anonymity, the expert analysis could eventually be used in their story. In other words, the researchers became journalists’ sources.

On the other hand, researchers have also benefited from the cooperation with journalists. “When we went back to interview somebody, I saw the type of interviews that Gabi [the journalist] does,” said Ian Cook, another Black Waters researcher who also oversaw the project. 

“The interview itself had a real tempo because there was something she wanted to find out. She was very sharp. Usually, in anthropology, we wait for something, keep a note of it and come back to it in twenty minutes, because we do not want to push questions too hard at the beginning.”

Nevertheless, tensions appeared precisely because of these differences in how academics and journalists pace their work or the ethical standards each group abides by. Anthropologists spend months, sometimes years, in the field before publishing their findings. Journalists don’t have that much time: they usually spend a few days, maybe weeks, working on a story, and then they want to publish it immediately. When you bring these two types of people together, tensions are unavoidable. At the same time, there was a major difference in working ethics between researchers and journalists. For example, journalists felt uneasy about anthropological or sociological data as they are reluctant to work with unnameable sources.

Overall, though, Black Waters was a positive experience, proving again that the hybrid investigative research formula works, generating richer content and more diverse formats. But such projects happen only rarely, mostly because donor organizations are skeptical about their isolated impact, which is a justified concern. To enhance impact, the collaboration between university and journalism needs structure, articulation and consistency. That was the premise on which we, at CMDS, built our journalism track.

To strengthen collaboration, which is key to success in such projects, we focused on two things: student involvement and partnerships with local media.

The youth factor

In the past year, while developing various journalism projects, we realized at some point that a key element was conspicuously missing: the students. Tapping into the pool of talent educated at the Central European University (CEU), a total of over 1,300 students coming from more than 100 countries, most of them enrolled in master’s and doctoral programs, has produced wonders.

As part of the CMDS Practicum, a class of research and journalism practice taught at CEU by the center’s director, students are assigned to produce an original story. A total of 18 students published their articles, which were documented in this class and covered a variety of topics ranging from internet shutdowns in India to the use of social media by the Peruvian police to war photojournalism, on CMDS’ various platforms. Many of these stories reached a wide audience, were quoted or republished by major media outlets. An article on how Georgia’s media regulator hurts independent journalism was republished by Forbes Woman Georgia.

We tried to take the anthropological perspective like looking at the structural causes, and what exactly led to that. Maybe there is something in there that people are not talking about.

Ana-Maria Luca, one of the journalists working on the project

Students also got involved in the center’s research projects, some of which require strenuous investigative work. They wrote reports about the shifts in the power relations that affect journalism and the media, which were published as part of Media Influence Matrix, our center’s flagship project. The reports are based on extensive desk research, including collection and tabulation of publicly available data, and interviews with a wide range of people including experts, politicians or media owners. In writing the reports, students collaborated with local researchers, advocates, NGOs and media practitioners. Other students contributed to The Business of Misinformation, our project aimed at mapping the individuals and companies that own misinformation websites and their links to institutions, parties and other individuals.

To expand this experience beyond our university’s walls, we also ran a project aimed at discussing the topic of misinformation with students from other Hungarian universities. Worldwide experts were brought to Budapest to have complex discussions with these youths about misinformation and propaganda. As part of the project, participating students produced a series of misinformation-focused reports.

Working with students is an illuminating experience, beneficial for all parties involved. On the one hand, they learn how journalism works, widen their networks and gain fresh exposure, which helped some of them to land good jobs after graduation. Many students told us that even if they don’t pursue a career in journalism, the “newsroom” experience they had in the CMDS Practicum class would be of much use as they are very likely to interact with journalists in their future career. In the official university evaluations, they most often praised the “hyper-practical” character of the course.

But it’s not only students who benefit from such collaborative projects. They are a boon for us and our partners, too, bringing great story ideas to the table. Moreover, and this is what we found most valuable in our experience with students, they bring us to an audience that any media outlet in the world craves to reach: the youth, in dozens of countries, with their dreams, ideas and furies.

Reaching young people can be “a real challenge” when “you’re competing with Baby Shark on YouTube and a million videos about flossing (the dance — not dental hygiene),” Leah Boleto, a presenter of Newsround on CBBC, BBC’s children’s channel, wrote last year.

2019 report published by the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, an Oxford-based research outfit, found that public service media, even in countries where they are highly trusted, have a hard time engaging with younger audiences. The reach for people under 25 has been in constant decline for the last three years, as social media have become the most preferred source of news for them.

What can then be better than getting the youth to tell the stories to the youth?

In partners we trust

Our center has numerous journalists among its staff and affiliated fellows. They all do outstanding work. Thus, we could choose to do all journalism-related work on our own. But to achieve larger impact and outreach, we decided to build the center’s journalism track on a foundation of partnerships with local media outlets. Practically, all our journalistic projects have a media partner.

In hindsight, this was a salutary decision. Not only that such partnerships generate fresh story ideas for local media outlets, but also expose our center’s research work to a much larger audience than our small community of English-speaking researchers and journalists.

Probably the best illustration of this mutually beneficial relation is the center’s Business of Misinformation project. In the framework of this project, CMDS co-operated with three media organizations: HVG in Hungary, PressOne in Romania, and DennikN in Slovakia. Following a round of research into the ownership structures and sources of funding behind prominent fake news websites in Eastern Europe, which was conducted by our center’s researchers, we then commissioned journalists working for these outlets to follow up on some of the most striking findings of the research.

Using our research, the three outlets published a total of six articles, combined. They were read on average by one-hundredfold more people than the country reports published by the center. For example, the article in HVG, one of the most trusted Hungarian news sites, had more than 28,000 unique visitors. The story published by PressOne attracted over 32,000 readers. The four stories published by DennikN together had nearly 80,000 pageviews. Never before has the center’s written work been read by so many people.

Can journalism and academia save each other?

In many countries all over the world, news media are captured by oligarchies. As tech giants control growing parts of the ad market and governments step up their spending in state media, independent news media are under harsh financial pressures. Moreover, trust in journalism is at record lows. The Digital News Report 2019 of the Reuters Institute found that trust in news in general is down to 42%.

On the other hand, academia is also coming under pressure. The experience of our own university speaks for itself. Viktor Orban’s right-wing populist government, which has been in power for a decade, used dubious legal tools to kick CEU out of Hungary. As of this year, our university will operate in Vienna. Moreover, the academic work is hardly relevant in society mostly a result of the poor outreach and communication work done by academics. A 2015 study from Pew found that 87% of scientists accepted that natural selection plays a role in evolution, but only 32% of the public agreed. The disconnect is staggering.

To some extent, it looks like academia and journalism are sharing similar challenges. Joining forces and resources could help both university and media address some of them, if not all.

For example, the two key priorities for journalism, and even more so in the post-Covid world, will be achieving financial sustainability and regaining trust. Some successes have been observed. In Slovakia, DennikN, a news outlet established in 2015, broke even in only two years after launch thanks to a paywall. In Romania, DOR, a magazine focusing on storytelling and long-form reporting, supports itself through subscriptions and sales of merchandise, ads and grants. In Kazakhstan, Vlast, an online platform, has managed to introduce subscriptions in a nation totally unaccustomed to pay for news content.

However, that is far from enough. It is comforting for journalists to see more and more examples of successful enterprises in the media, but journalism is yet to build a solid base to operate on.

In academia, improved outreach and closer connection with society are badly needed. Scientists and researchers are increasingly quoted in the media and more present on social networks. But university tends to be inward-looking, rarely trying to target broader audiences.

As our modest journalism experiments are showing, joint work between academia and journalism is incredibly powerful, helping academics reach audiences they would never dream of reaching and journalists improve and increase their output, all with a more efficient use of resources. Undoubtedly, there are snags. Deadline means a totally different thing for academics and journalists. Their work ethics differ. They write differently. They think differently about their audience.

But properly managed and done at scale, with universities and media institutionally opening to each other and sharing their intellectual and financial resources to produce knowledge for the public good, investigative research collaboration is very likely to provide an answer, maybe the only one, to the many challenges that both journalism and academia are facing.

This report used information and quotes from “How Can Investigative Journalists and Researchers Work Together? An Account of an Experimental Hybrid Project,” a report written by Alexandra Czeglédi that documented the work experience in the Black Waters project.

Hungarian Index’s Fate in Balance as Most Reporters Quit

The future of Hungary’s most read news site looked increasingly uncertain on Friday after 70 of its approximately 90 journalists announced their resignations following the earlier dismissal of editor-in-chief Szabolcs Dull on Wednesday – which many saw as an act of gross interference in editorial freedom and a threat to the government-critical news site’s independence.

Deputy editor Veronika Munk announced in an emotional speech that the editorial staff had campaigned in vain for the return of Dull, and now mostly felt no choice except to give up their jobs. For some, it is the second time in only a few years that they have lost their jobs, after working in other media that Hungary’s government has taken over.

It is unknown whether the departing editorial staff can remain united and working together, or whether they will individually join other media outlets, or leave the media.

Index has survived an increasing hostile media environment and previously resisted attempts by government-close oligarchs to influence its content over the last ten years.

But the structure of the company around Index has made it increasing vulnerable to financial pressure. While Index is owned by a foundation, its revenue comes through a saleshouse whose managers are close to Viktor Orban’s government.

After the municipal elections in Hungary last October, when the opposition scored some unexpected victories, most notably in Budapest, the ruling Fidesz party leadership reportedly decided to up the pressure on Index, as the leading remaining critical news site, ahead of the 2022 national elections.

The turmoil around Index has had international implications. European Commission Vice President Vera Jourová has expressed concerns about the media situation in Hungary, and in particular, about Index. The Commission has been in touch with Index, Politico quoted her as saying.

Hungarian officials have angrily denied involvement. When Hungary’s Foreign Minister, Péter Szijjártó, was asked in Lisbon by a Reuters journalists whether a country without media freedom still qualified as a free country, Szijjártó lashed out against criticism “against Hungary”.

He said the government has nothing to do with a management decision of a private company and stated that no law in Hungary “hinders press freedom”. Hungarian opposition Momentum party meanwhile said it planned a demonstration in support of Index and media freedom on Friday in Budapest.

Index Sacking Worsens Pressure on Hungary’s Free Media

Hungary’s largest and most widely read online news site may be the next victim in the fight for press freedom in Central Europe, after Index’s editor-in-chief, Szabolcs Dull, was unexpectedly fired on Wednesday by the president of the foundation that owns it.

The official explanation for Dull’s removal was that, as editor-in- chief, he had created unfavourable market conditions by communicating – a month ago – that the news site’s independence was at stake.

Dull met with the editorial team on Wednesday and said he had been offered a substantial amount of money “if he kept his mouth shut”. He said he declined the offer and instead pleaded for “his colleagues not to be silent”.

Index has no new editor-in chief at the moment; most eyes are on Dull’s predecessor, senior editor Attila Tóth-Szenesi, who is respected by his colleagues.

Dull told his final meeting with colleagues that there had been a lot of pressure on the editorial team recently, but that most of the outside criticism was not based on the content but on the organization of the news site. A few weeks ago, a controversial business plan was leaked that aimed to cut the editorial team into shreds and remove much of its independence. The restructuring would was necessary to keep the company afloat, some members of the board of directors had reportedly argued.

But, according to BIRN’s sources, the site’s financial problems have been over-estimated and exaggerated by some members of the board to put the journalists under pressure. “The money that they said Index owes the sales house could easily have been paid back, but then they came up with further demands, just to keep up the pressure,” one journalist told BIRN earlier.

Index is owned by a foundation, but all its revenues come through the sales house, Indamedia, which is currently owned by two managers close to the government of Viktor Orban. One of them, Miklós Vaszily, is also the chairman of the government-close private television TV2, and played a role at “taming” Origo, the other main online news site, some years ago.

Since Vaszily obtained 50 per cent of the shares in Index’s saleshouse in mid-March, most journalists were aware that the government was preparing for a push against the remaining flagship for independent journalism in Hungary.

Hungary’s governing Fidesz party has an impressive track record when it comes to silencing critical media. It mostly relies on a strategy of sticks and carrots: instead of directly cracking down on disobedient media, it hires loyal businessmen to act as middlemen.

It also conceals its political motives with the excuse of the media outlet’s financial difficulties – mostly created by its own distortion of the advertising market. Government-loyal media receive as much as 87 per cent of all state advertising, regardless of the number of their readers, research done by the Mérték Media Monitor Institute has indicated.

Moldovan Journalists Accuse Russian Peacemakers in Transnistria of Assault

Two Moldovan journalists, Viorica Tataru and her colleague, Andrei Captarenco, both working for TV8 station, filled a complaint on Tuesday to the police Inspectorate in Dubasari after claiming that Russian peacemakers and Transnistrian border guards had assaulted them while doing their job.

“I have had previous incidents with them, but this time they became violent. One hit my hand and I dropped the phone, after which he took it from me and started deleting videos and pictures. The so-called peacemaker was very aggressive,” Tataru told BIRN.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, the breakaway regime in Transnistria illegally erected 37 new checkpoints in the so-called Security Zone, the buffer zone separating Moldova from the breakaway region. The two journalists were shooting a video at one of the checkpoints when the trouble started.

Tataru said her mobile phone was only returned after the Russian soldier erased all her photos and videos, and only after a threat to summon the Moldovan police.

The incident did not stop here. Russian soldiers followed the journalists on to the ferry they had to take to cross the Dniester River back to Moldova. Tataru said she suspected the soldiers intended to detain them. They told the journalists to get off the ferry, to which the journalists reportedly responded that they were only doing their job and could not agree with this request as neither the Russian nor the Transnistrian soldiers had the competence or authority to ask them for such a thing.

“In the end, I cried and told people I didn’t understand their [passive] reaction: we will leave, but you stay here. Why do you accept and keep your heads down? … you will remain here with the same problems,” Tataru told BIRN, recalling her words to her fellow passengers.

The incident ended after an hour of negotiations on the ferry, and only after some Moldovan veterans from war in 1992 intervened and the local police arrived at the dock.

The breakaway region of Transnistria has been de facto separated from the rest of the country since the so-called Dniester War in 1992. The pro-Russian regime has since then proclaimed its independence and sought to become a part of the Russian Federation. Mediated talks have achieved little.


The Moldovan journalists, Andrei Captarenco and Viorica Tataru, filing a complaint at the police station in Dubasari. Photo: Viorica Tataru Facebook page

“It is another abuse on the part of the Transnistrian police on Moldovan territory … and we can only condemn it,” the director of the Independent Press Association, API, Petru Macovei, told BIRN.

He added that the situation showed again that things had not moved on from the current deadlock, and that the constitutional rights of Moldovan citizens often remain violated, even while the national authorities in Moldova are silent about it.

“The current government [in Moldova] is trying in every way to cover up such incidents out of electoral interest, or out of its servile attitude towards Russia,” Macovei concluded.

“This incident, in addition to being a restriction on freedom of expression and journalistic freedom, highlights an older issue: the status of the peacekeeping mission in the Transnistrian region of Moldova,” a human rights lawyer, Pavel Cazacu, from the Chisinau-based NGO Promo-LEX, told BIRN.

The peace settlement of the Transnistrian War in 1992 gave a peacemaking mission, which combines about 1,500 Russian, Moldovan and Ukrainian peacemakers, the right to remain in the Security Zone.

Cazacu noted that Promo-LEX had constantly called for the transformation of this structure into an international civilian mission.

“I believe that this incident will be a test for the constitutional authorities of Moldova, and such behaviour towards journalists must be vehemently condemned,” Cazacu concluded.

Turkish Ruling Party Announces Strict Controls on Social Media

The Justice and Development Party, AKP announced on Tuesday that it will bring in a long-awaited new law to regulate social media more strictly and potentially impose large fines and bandwidth reductions on companies that do not comply with government demands.

“Closing social network providers is not our first priority. We have five levels of sanctions,” Ozlem Zengin, the AKP group deputy chairperson, told media.

She added that other countries such as the US, Germany and France are eyeing similar regulations but said that “there is still not an agreement on social media regulations [in international law]”.

“Violations of the right of privacy require sanctions,” Zengin added.

The new law will require social media companies to appoint an official representative in Turkey who will answer the government’s demands including the removal of “harmful content” in a timely manner.

If an official representative is not appointed or the demands are not answered, there are a series of potential penalties.

A company will first face a fine of 10 million Turkish lira fine (1.27 million euros) and then of 30 million lira (3.80 million euros).

If it still does not comply, it will face an advertisement ban for three months.

As a final sanction, its bandwidth will be halved and then cut by 95 per cent.

Citizens also can apply to social media companies if they claim their rights have violated and in this case, the fine will be 5 million lira (636,000 euros).

President Recep Tayyip Erdogan warned of harsh new regulations several weeks ago after he was angered by insults to members of his family on social media.

“Such platforms don’t suit this country and our people. That’s why we want these social media platforms completely shut or controlled after bringing the issue to our parliament,” Erdogan said on July 1.

Opposition parties and human rights groups see the new law as the president’s latest attempt to control media platforms and silence his critics.

The Turkish government has earlier asked social media companies to move their servers to Turkey.

The new regulations might result in these companies quitting the Turkish market, experts have warned.

The draft law on social media was introduced in April but was then postponed because of the COVID-19 pandemic.

The law is expected to come to parliament soon, before the summer recess.

North Macedonia Probes Election Day Cyber Attacks

Authorities in North Macedonia have announced an investigation into election day’s cyber attack while experts are still puzzled about how the attack occurred on July 15, targeting the website of the state election commission, SEC, and the news aggregator website.

“It is not clear whether the [SEC] website was tested to withstand a large amount of connections for a short period of time, and whether it had the necessary DDoS protection,” cyber-security engineer Milan Popov told BIRN on Friday.

The Interior Ministry confirmed that it is looking into the matter. “The SEC reported the case and, immediately after the report, the Sector for Computer Crime and Digital Forensics took measures and activities to clear up the case,” ministry spokesman Toni Angelovski told BIRN.

Polling day on July 15 saw two of the highest profile cyber attacks the country has ever seen. In a single night, both the election commission’s website and the most popular news aggregator, TIME.mk, were brought down for several hours.

While TIME.mk quickly recovered, the SEC website is still having difficulties functioning. According to the SEC head, Oliver Derkovski, the attack probably came from abroad.

“We informed the Interior Ministry about this cybercrime. They were here today and I hope they will resolve it soon. It was an attack from abroad,” Derkovski said.

The IT company that runs the SEC election results page section, Duna Computers, said its own application functions flawlessly and the main issue came from the SEC website experiencing a sophisticated cyber attack.

The second cyber attack of the night, the denial of service, DDoS, attack that hit TIME.mk, involved more than 35 million addresses that generated thousands of clicks per second.

“There were brief interruptions but mostly the site withstood the attack. Unfortunately, we did not have the best protection, and this was our mistake, which we have corrected, so that it will not happen again,” the website’s founder, Igor Trajkovski, wrote on Twitter.

“I can say for sure that, for the second part of the attack, someone is connected to one of the sites that we index, because that is the only way through which they can find out our IP address,” Trajkovski added.

Unlike the SEC cyber attack, responsibility for this one was claimed by a hacker group that uses a logo similar to that of the famous hacktivist group Anonymous, and calls itself “Anonopsmkd”.

The group left a message in which it voiced displeasure with the election process in the country, and said it had targeted the TIME.mk website mostly because of its popularity. Regarding the group itself, information is scarce. However, in their message, they warned ominously that they are ready to strike again, and that they “neither forgive nor forget”.

VIDEO: Everything You Need to Know About Surveillance in Serbia

The video explains the issues and facts around the mass-surveillance implementation in Belgrade, including concerns it can have on citizens’ life and behaviour.

“This is not a typical surveillance system. This is a biometric surveillance, which will enable anyone to be tracked at any time, if the whole city is covered,” said Danilo Krivokapić, Share Foundation’s director.

BIRD Community

Are you a professional journalist or a media worker looking for an easily searchable and comprehensive database and interested in safely (re)connecting with more than thousands of colleagues from Southeastern and Central Europe?

We created BIRD Community, a place where you can have it all!

Join Now