Albanians Mull Options as Data Security Takes New Hit

Last month, Credins Bank became the latest target as the Homeland Justice hackers hit a private entity for the first time.

Authorities say they have everything under control and have banned media from reporting on the content of the leaks. But ordinary Albanians are increasingly concerned for the security of their personal data.

This month, Progni, an IT expert, decided to act, filing a case with the Special Court Against Corruption and Organised Crime, SPAK, against the National Agency for Information Society, AKSHI, the National Authority for Electronic Certification and Cyber Security, ACESK, and a private firm responsible monitoring the implementation of standards by these bodies.

Progni, whose case has the backing of a forum of some 800 IT experts, said he was motivated by a desire to raise awareness and hold accountable those tasked with protecting private data.

“The biggest risks are the duplication of identity and the use of online data, the theft of the accounts that has already started, like Instagram, Facebook etc; these accounts are being stolen massively,” Progni told BIRN, saying he had already received thousands of messages from other concerned individuals asking about the legal avenues open to them.

“If they [SPAK] start an investigation, it’s certain that officials will be arrested,” he said.


Photo: Screeenshot from Homeland Justice webpage.

New front

Albania and outside investigators have all pointed the finger of blame at Iran, whose embassy in Tirana has been shut down as a result of the expulsion of its diplomats and ambassador. Albania has frozen diplomatic relations with Tehran.

The attack on Credins Bank appears to have opened a new front, however, as the hackers expand their targets from public to private entities.

On January 9, Homeland Justice published on Telegram a file that it claimed contains the data of business clients of the bank. A week later, another file appeared under the name ‘All Accounts Customers’. An accompanying message declared, “Credins Failed.”

Days passed between the attack and confirmation from Credins. The bank said a “peripheral system” had been affected but that the danger was isolated and the “highest IT security measures were implemented.”

One client, who asked not to be named, said she had been unable to log into her account for days and that, as of publication of this story, the bank app was still not working properly. “I wrote to the Support and they told me it doesn’t work but that it would be fixed soon,” she said.

“From an emotional perspective, at first I was very disappointed that the Support was completely unprepared; it didn’t provide any information except that it would be fixed during the following days. The information service also gave me wrong information, maybe not even the information service themselves knew what was going on, but it is very unprofessional that the customer was left without the right to know when there is a data breach.”

In its December 23 statement, the bank urged that no private data be published.

“We inform all persons that the publication of personal information without authorisation constitutes a legal violation, therefore we request that the distribution of this information be stopped immediately,” it said.

Western Balkan countries faced by cyber attacks since July (illustration). Photo: EPA-EFE/SASCHA STEINBACH

Class action lawsuit not an option in Albania

In some countries, affected individuals would be able to team up in collective action, or ‘class action’ lawsuits, to seek remedy, but under Albanian law this is not possible.

“This mechanism is not recognised in our legislation, even though there was an initiative by some civil society organisations that drafted a draft law on collective lawsuits and submitted it to parliament in 2021,” said Megi Reci, a lawyer at the Tirana-based Institute for Democracy and Mediation. “Approval remains subject to the will of the parliament.”

The only options open to individuals are criminal charges, civil lawsuits for compensation, or a complaint to the Commissioner for the Protection of Personal Data, Reci said.

As of January 18, SPAK told BIRN it had not registered any criminal proceedings with regards cyber-attacks.

The Tirana Prosecution is conducting its own investigation into the case; so far it has detained give IT employees in the public administration, but this has far from satisfied the government’s biggest critics.

As for solutions, experts say Albania may have to consider changing Albanians’ unique personal ID numbers.

“Only one recommendation solves this issue, which is to renew the citizen’s ID so that the IDs would be different,” Progni told BIRN. He also recommended 2-factor authentication for each account and greater awareness of phishing attacks.

The office of the Commissioner for the Protection of Personal Data said it had also proposed possibly changing ID numbers, but that it would be “a complex process”.

“The discussion and finding solutions for this initiative is complex and involves several institutions,” the office told BIRN in a written response. The IT breach and leak of private data “showed marked weaknesses of the structures and systems that administer them,” it said.

Arrests, Data Breaches, Ransomware, and False Bomb Threats Rock Online Environments

Romania cracks down on online violations

Romania has taken a strong stance against online violations with a series of arrests and convictions in recent months. Law enforcement agencies have been cracking down on individuals and organizations engaging in illegal activities, resulting in arrests and convictions.


A banner, reading ‘YOU KILL THEM !!!’, and a pair of children shoes were left by a protester at the entrance of the Interior Ministry building during a protest against the way Romanian authorities handled the kidnapping and killing of a 15-years old girl in the southern city of Caracal, in front of the Interior Ministry Headquarters, in Bucharest, Romania, 03 August 2019. Photo: EPA-EFE/ROBERT GHEMENT

Romania has seen a number of digital rights violations that led to arrests and convictions of perpetrators. A man accused of rape and child pornography was arrested in Gorj, southwest Romania, on December 17. According to the Directorate for Investigating Organized Crime and Corruption, the man raped a 15-year-old girl in March 2022. He also filmed the teen’s ordeal and shared the pornographic material with on Facebook.

On December 22, the Directorate for Investigating Organized Crime and Corruption dropped a child pornography probe based on a tip from the National Center for Missing & Exploited Children, NCMEC.

The US-based NGO had alerted Romanian authorities after detecting pornographic material involving a Romanian teen girl being shared on Instagram by an IP address in Alba County, in central Romania. The tip led prosecutors to a 15-year-old boy. He admitted guilt. However, prosecutors argued that the culprit had limited consent due to his youth.

In another incident, on December 31, Romanian authorities arrested influencers brothers Andrew and Tristan Tate in a human trafficking probe involving their video chat business in Bucharest.

Prosecutors at the Directorate for Investigating Organized Crime and Corruption identified six women who the Tate brothers on dating apps first contacted. Another man was arrested on January 12 for harassing and blackmailing his ex-girlfriend by publishing pornographic content about her on Facebook. The woman contacted the authorities, who intervened after the man destroyed the victim’s car.

Finally, on January 13, a court in Craiova, southwestern Romania, sentenced a man to eight months in prison and payment of 6,000 euros in moral damages to the three policemen he harassed on Facebook. Prosecutors said the suspect gathered information about one of the policemen and his relatives and then sent messages to public institutions containing embarrassing details about the man’s marriage. He also published the details on multiple fake accounts he set up on Facebook. The harassment started after one of the victims punished a colleague, who was discovered passing confidential information on police investigations to the suspect.

False bomb threats spread fear

In the second half of December, there were a number of incidents where false bomb threats were sent through social media and other forms of technology. Several incidents were recorded in Hungary, North Macedonia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina where false bomb threats were made through technology, leading to the spread of fear and misinformation through social networks.


An outside view of the new office building of Raiffeisen Bank in Sarajevo, 16 April 2009. Photo: EPA/FEHIM DEMIR

On December 16, 2020, in Hungary, an individual posted a comment on an event page on a social networking site stating; “There will be a pipe bomb under some chairs.” Police were able to track down and arrest the person responsible. This incident not only caused fear among those who saw the comment but diverted a significant amount of resources from police to investigate and prevent any potential harm.

Similarly, on December 17, 2020, in North Macedonia, a 63-year-old resident of Tetovo was arrested for making false bomb threats in the town of Delchevo. The individual said by phone that he had planted bombs in several locations but was quickly caught by the police. He faces a criminal charge of terrorism and a minimum sentence of eight years in prison if found guilty.

On December 19, 2020, in Bosnia, Raiffeisen bank branches in the Sarajevo area received threats of planted bombs, leading to the evacuation of all staff for security reasons. The bank informed the authorities and resumed operations after the premises were inspected. This incident not only disrupted the operations of the bank but also instilled fear among employees and customers.

These digital rights violations demonstrate the dangerous potential of technology when used irresponsibly. Using social media and other forms of technology to make false bomb threats is a crime that can lead to severe punishment and harms individuals, communities and institutions. These events highlight the importance of responsible use of technology and the need for effective measures to prevent such incidents from occurring in the future.

Serbia and Romania Hit by Cyberattacks, Data Breaches and Ransomware Attacks

In December and January, Serbia and Romania were hit by a series of cyberattacks, resulting in data breaches and ransomware infections. On December 12, the personal data of thousands of users of a popular Serbian tech forum were leaked online. On January 3, a Romanian hospital was targeted by hackers, losing access to a database of patients’ personal information and suffering a ransomware attack.


A Romanian man passes in front of a shop window of an Orange store that displays a huge 5G advertise banner, in Bucharest, Romania, 19 October 2020. Photo: EPA-EFE/ROBERT GHEMENT

On December 12, a major data breach occurred at Benchmark, a popular Serbian tech forum, when the personal data of over 90,000 users was leaked online. The dataset included sensitive information such as usernames, email addresses, and IP addresses. The incident caused widespread concern among the forum’s users, many of whom were worried about the potential misuse of their personal information. The forum launched an investigation and issued a statement apologizing for the breach and assuring users that they were taking steps to prevent such incidents.

On January 3, a cyber-attack targeted the Botosani Rehabilitation Hospital in northeast Romania. Hackers gained access to the hospital’s servers using the computer of an IT contractor and infected them with Phobos ransomware. As a result, the hospital lost access to a database containing the personal information of patients. The attack also had a major impact on the hospital’s operations, as it was unable to get its invoices paid by the National Health Insurance for the last month of 2022, causing financial strain. The hospital reported the incident to the authorities and launched an investigation to identify the attackers.

Montenegro Quashes Drug Case Against Investigative Journalist

Montenegrin investigative journalist Jovo Martinovic (left) arriving at court in Podgorica. Photo: BIRN/Samir Kajosevic

Montenegro’s Appeals Court on Tuesday finally ended the much-criticised case against prominent investigative journalist Jovo Martinovic, who had been sentenced in October 2020 to a year in prison for drug trafficking.

The Appeals Court delivered its verdict after the Montenegrin Supreme Court last June ordered a second retrial for Martinovic.

“After more than seven years of court proceedings and 15 months of detention, I was finally declared innocent. It was a terrible burden, but when your conscience is clear and you know that you are innocent, then everything can be endured,” Martinovic told BIRN.

Martinovic was arrested in October 2015 alongside 17 others from Montenegro in a joint police operation conducted with Croatian police. He spent almost a year and a half in custody before being released in January 2017 ahead of the trial.

He was convicted in the first-instance ruling in January 2019 of drug trafficking and membership of a criminal organisation, but the Appeals Court overturned the verdict and ordered the first retrial, which again ended with a conviction.

The journalist always insisted he had made contacts with alleged drug traffickers only as part of his legitimate reporting work.

Martinovic had made contact in 2015 with two of the 17 suspects who were arrested: Dusko Martinovic – no relation to the journalist – and Namik Selmanovic.

Dusko Martinovic, the main suspect in the case, was also a convicted member of a gang of jewel thieves known as the Pink Panthers.

Operating in the US, Europe, the Middle East and Asia, they are believed to have stolen hundreds of millions of euros’ worth of jewellery.

Journalist Martinovic worked with Dusko Martinovic on a series of TV shows about the robbers produced by the Vice media group.

He worked alongside Selmanovic when a French production company, CAPA Presse, hired them to contribute to research on a documentary about weapons smuggling.

Dusko Martinovic was sentenced to six years and three months in prison in January 2019. Selmanovic has turned state’s evidence.

The European Commission’s report last year about Montenegro’s progress towards membership warned that the conviction of the journalist raises concerns about reporters’ ability to perform their duties professionally and without fear of legal repercussions in the country.

RSF Urges Kosovo to Protect Journalists From Attacks in North


A BIRN team is attacked by a masked person in Mitrovica North on December 9, 2022. Photo: Screenshot from BIRN video

International media watchdog Reporters Without Borders, RSF, has called on Kosovo authorities and international security missions in the country to provide a better protection for journalists reporting from the north of Kosovo, where tensions have increased in recent months.

“The alarm signal sent by the wave of attacks against journalists in northern Kosovo must be taken seriously by Kosovo Police, the NATO-led Kosovo Force (KFOR) and the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX) before there is another tragedy,” Pavol Szalai, Head of RSF’s European Union and Balkans desk, said on Thursday.

“We urge them to carry out a rapid and thorough investigation into these attacks, and to take additional protective measures in coordination with associations of journalists representing the two ethnic communities,” Szalai added.

Tensions have spiked in Serb-majority municipalities in northern Kosovo where on December 9 local Serbs set up barricades on two roads leading to the Jarinje and Bernjak crossing points with Serbia.

This was in reaction to the arrest of an ethnic Serbian former Kosovo Police officer. The government then closed the two crossing points and an uneasy standoff has persisted since then.

On Monday, a crew from Pristina-based TV Klan Kosova was assaulted near a newly-erected barricade near the ethnically mixed village of Cabra in Zubin Potok municipality.

Footage from the scene showed masked people throwing stones and shouting at the crew. No injuries were reported.

The Association of Journalists of Kosovo, AJK, condemned the attack and expressed concerns about the safety of journalists reporting from the volatile north.

“The AJK once again calls on relevant institutions to take measures and provide security for journalists and asks for journalists to be allowed to perform their duties without obstacles,” it said.

Monday’s incident was the third time that journalists have come under attack in northern Kosovo recently. On December 9, a crew of BIRN journalists was assaulted by a masked person in North Mitrovica. Several days later, a device exploded close to a TV Dukagjini journalist as she was reporting live.

Weeks before the barricades were erected, a crew of Insajderi news portal was attacked in Mitrovica North as they were filming a Kosovar school student being attacked. Cameraman Jetmir Muji was hospitalized.

RSF said it had learned that at least one media crew has been withdrawn from the field after their management decided the situation was too risky in light of the attacks.

“These threats to the media call into question respect for press freedom and the right to information about events in this country, which underwent a war in 1999 and now hopes to join the European Union,” RSF said.

Kosovo is ranked 61st out of 180 countries in RSF’s 2022 World Press Freedom Index.

TIMELINE: Iranian Hacker Attack on Government Sites

“If you talk to any bank manager they’ll tell you how many daily attacks each banking facility or mobile phone has,” Balluku told reporters in October.

However, Investigators from Microsoft and the US Federal Bureau of Investigation, FBI, found that the hackers had in fact breached the system more than a year before, that the official systems were compromised and that Iranian hackers were to blame.

Iran has been angered by the fact Albania has given refuge to an opposition movement that authorities in Tehran say is a terrorist group.

Experts say the hackers’ targets can be considered “critical infrastructure”, particularly the State Police. Private emails sent and received by former Chief of Police Gledis Nano have leaked, as has a database containing the personal data of some 100,000 individuals, including names, ID numbers, and place of birth.


Printscreen from Homeland Justice webpage

Homeland Justice online presence:

1.Webpage: homeland justice

2.Telegram group: Homeland Justice

They also had an account on Twitter which can no longer be found.‘Homeland Justice’ operated through a website of the same name and which has been banned in Albania. Of late the group has been publishing material on its Telegram channel, also named Homeland Justice. The leaks recently came every Sunday night and most recently concerns two institutions: the State Police and the intelligence service, State Service Information.

BIRN has previously profiled the group and the political messages that accompany its activities. These almost exclusively pertain to the exiled Iranian dissidents of the People’s Mujahedin of Iran, MEK.

“Why did this not happen before? Because there was no ‘conflict’,” said Xhavit Shala, head of the Albania Academy of Security. “There are two cases when a cyber attack happens – for criminal reasons or political reasons. In the Albanian case, Iran asked for the destabilisation of public services in Albania because Albania has sheltered the Iranian opposition.”

Shala urged Albanian authorities to raise awareness about cyber threats.

“There is a strong need for awareness in all levels; individual, society and institutional,” he told BIRN. “There is also a need for training regarding cyber security.”

“The national security has been threatened. Their aim was to create some kind of chaos.”

No ‘secret’ or ‘top secret’ data has been leaked,” Shala said. “But if it was up to me, none of this should have been made public.”

The FBI determined that “Iranian state cyber actors” initially accessed the network some 14 months before launching a cyber attack in July that included “ransomware-style file encryption and disk wiping malware.”

Microsoft said it had identified four groups behind the attacks, “linked to the Iranian government.”

“Microsoft was able to prove with a high degree of certainty that a variety of Iranian groups were involved in this attack, with different actors responsible for different phases,” the report said.

Greek Journalism Still Awaits its #Metoo Moment

A BIRN investigation recently disclosed that female journalists are often afraid to report such abuse and harassment and ignore the procedures.

At the same time, most media in Greece do not even have the means to handle such cases.

BIRN’s research covered incidents over almost 30 years, from 1993 to 2021, documented through interviews with current and former media industry workers.

“I would have expected, from 2015 until today, more complaints and even named ones in the media. We journalists ask everyone to come forward, speak, and expose themselves, but we hesitate to do the same,” Lina Giannarou, editor at the Greek newspaper Kathimerini, told BIRN.

“One reason is the fear of being out of work. Those who have to tell such stories are now at an age when it would be difficult to recover professionally,” she said.

#metoo reaches Greece, but not journalism

In 2015 the model Ambra Gutierrez accused American film producer Harvey Weinstein of inappropriate behaviour. Her complaint was downplayed and buried by the media and the authorities.

It took two years and the investigations of journalists Jodi Kantor and Megan Twohey and their editor, Rebecca Corbett, at the New York Times for the scale of Weinstein’s abuse to become public.

The journalists revealed cases of sexual abuse by Weinstein stretching over nearly three decades. Their investigation became a book in 2019 and then a movie, “She said.” Weinstein is now in jail.

In 2017, Giannarou wrote about sexual harassment in the Greek media workplace. For the first time in the Greek media, a female journalist anonymously shared her experience of abuse.

After a lot of pressure because she did not give in to the perpetrator’s threats, the victim she wrote about was forced to change jobs. The abuser, Giannarou says, found himself apologizing to the Journalists’ Union for sexual harassment following a complaint by another colleague.

Photo: Veteran Olympic champion Sophia Bekatorou leaves the prosecutor’s office following her allegation of sexual assault by federation official 23 years ago, in Athens, Greece, 20 January 2021. The Athens public prosecutor’s office began an investigation into public revelations by Olympic sailing athlete Sofia Bekatorou against a man she named as having sexually molested her 23 years ago during preparations for the Sydney Olympics. EPA-EFE/YANNIS KOLESIDIS

Four women journalists openly shared their stories of abuse with the Greek media outlet Proto Thema but without naming the perpetrators.

It took almost four years, a pandemic, and the public confession of Olympic gold medalist Sofia Bekatorou, to journalist Evita Tsilochristou in the online edition of the women’s magazine Marie Claire about her own experience of sexual abuse, to activate the #metoo movement in Greece.

It was only then that people from the field of sports and culture shared their experiences publicly; some even decided to take legal action. In 2022, Greece saw its first four #metoo trials, but none concerned journalism.

But male journalists invited their female colleagues to speak out, some even naming the perpetrators on social networks. Some women shared stories of harassment and abuse on their social media accounts.

In a television interview, the well-known journalist Elli Stai referred to her own incident of harassment years ago.

However, none of these confessions triggered any journalistic or other investigation by the police or judicial authorities.

Evita Tsilochristou, digital director at Marie Claire, points out that supporting the victims in every way is critical for those who have not yet dared to speak out.

“Usually, victims speak up when they feel protected for some reason, when their careers are over, and they are not in danger, or when they are not directly threatened, as was the case during the pandemic,” she adds.

BIRN’s investigation into abuse and harassment

Photo: A man reads the front pages of the Greek newspapers hanging at a kiosk in central Athens, Greece, 24 March 2015. EPA/ORESTIS PANAGIOTOU

BIRN conducted a report in the beginning of 2022 about the complex picture of women’s role in newsrooms, news-making, and regional societies, more broadly in the Western Balkans.

Due to the lack of a media watchdog in Greece, BIRN investigated the harassment of Greek female journalists in their workplaces. The investigation was republished in Greek by the EFSYN newspaper and presented by several Greek media, such as Lifo, In.gr, ERT3, Proto Thema, Marie Claire, TVXS, Ladylike.gr, etc.

BIRN revealed that 43 per cent of the respondents said they had been victims of incidents of a sexual nature; 35 per cent of these cited verbal harassment, 81 per cent had faced harassment and abuse within the workplace; 51 per cent of the abusers were their hierarchical superiors.

Some 53.8 per cent of victims said they did not report the incidents due to fear that they would not receive any support. Two-thirds of the respondents claimed their media do not have procedures for employees to complain. Female journalists spoke to BIRN under the condition of anonymity.

“Belatedly, they have started speaking out in the media sector as well, but it will be a long time to see named complaints about abusers who are still active [working], as it is a very closed profession … An important chapter is also the attitude of men toward the victims, especially those in authority. Women need to feel comfortable, speak up and find support from them and when they see solidarity, they may start speaking up in the media space, which men mostly lead. Silence enables violence. Let’s leave the ‘why now?’ and get to the ‘never again’,” Tsilochristou said.

Media sector must recognise the problem

Photo: Women hold placards during a protest in support of women’s right to abortion, and against Greek Orthodox Church’s official position against abortions, in front of the Metropolitan Cathedral in Athens, Greece, 08 September 2022. EPA-EFE/KOSTAS TSIRONIS

After 23 years, Maria found the strength to speak out about her abuse.

“Because I have found the strength, I want to speak. When a woman confesses her harassment, it is good to keep quiet and listen to her. Even though there were complaints of abuse and harassment worldwide, journalism, for some reason that I cannot understand, has been left out,” she told BIRN.

As the mother of a little girl, she couldn’t imagine her daughter coming to her in a few years’ time and telling her she was facing harassment.

She wants her story to become the media sector’s problem, not hers only. For her, what is essential is the creation of a protective framework in which victims will feel safe to speak.

“If there were a framework, there would have been more complaints. I can’t understand why there shouldn’t be a framework where women and men can go and talk, where they will listen to you, trust you and find a solution. Let’s look at the problem first and then find solutions,” Maria said.

“My need now is not to name the abusers but for the problem to become the media’s problem,” she added.

“The Greek media is not homogenous, so it depends on where a #metoo ‘hits’. The media do not air their dirty laundry in public, so the shocks of any crises are absorbed. With its slow, outdated procedures, our union also does not favour complaints,” Giannarou told BIRN.

BIRN found also that Greek journalists’ unions lack procedures to report and record harassment.

Giannarou argues that the #metoo movement will help to protect the younger generation speak out.

“The younger ones, luckily, have a completely different experience, thanks to #metoo,” she said.

“Not only have men changed in recent years, but women have as well. Young girls are more equipped to deal with such situations, from a sexist comment in the newsroom to potential sexual harassment.”

 

BIRN Hit by Cyber-Attacks After Turkish Fraudster Investigation

The Balkan Investigative Reporting Network and its Greek partner media outlet Solomon’s websites came under DDoS attack by hackers from early Saturday morning onwards in the wake of the publication of an investigation into a controversial Turkish businessman.

The attack began on Saturday morning and continued into Sunday. BIRN’s server was not compromised but at one point, BIRN’s flagship Balkan Insight website was completely inaccessible.

“The attack started on Saturday at 7.30am. That’s when the alarms went off, and around eight we had already started to react. It was a fierce battle, I never experienced a fight like that,” said an IT security expert whose company works for BIRN.

“At one point on Saturday, we had 35 million different IP connections from all over the world.  The site was brought down by the number of connections,” he explained.

BIRN’s technical experts determined that the attack was specifically aimed at bringing down the page on which the investigation into how a Turkish businessman who had been convicted of fraud bought his way to honorary Greek citizenship.

By Sunday evening, the attack had been repelled. But Solomon’s website remained under attack and was still offline on Monday morning.

Solomon, a Greek independent media outlet which worked with BIRN on the investigation, initially announced on Twitter on Saturday that it was experiencing difficulties because of a “massive DDoS attack on our site”.

A distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attack is a malicious attempt to disrupt the normal traffic of a targeted server, service or network by overwhelming the target or its surrounding infrastructure with a flood of Internet traffic.

It is often used in attempts to target specific content published online and strike a blow at websites that need time to recover from such huge amounts of visits.

The investigation believed to have caused the DDoS attack looks at the case of Yasam Ayavefe, a Turkish businessman who was convicted of defrauding online gamblers in his home country in 2017 and arrested in Greece in 2019 while trying to cross the border into Bulgaria on a false Greek passport. He was later awarded honorary Greek citizenship.

The BIRN and Solomon investigation “examined how honorary citizenship, a state honour long reserved for those who have significantly promoted Greek culture, was turned into a golden visa scheme for those with deep pockets”, Solomon said in a Twitter post on Monday.

The investigative outlet Inside Story first broke the news in July, triggering a fierce debate over Ayavefe’s suitability for such an honour. Inside Story also came under DDoS attack after publishing its report on Ayavefe.

Data Dominance: In Cyprus, a Chinese Outpost inside the EU

In October 2015, two years after a banking crisis left Cyprus in desperate need of new financing, President Nicos Anastasiades visited China on a charm offensive, touting the Mediterranean island’s low tax rates, its European Union membership and its readiness to take part in China’s Belt and Road Initiative, BRI.

The floodgates opened, but there was nothing sporadic about the Chinese outlay.

Today, money from Chinese state-owned or state-linked corporations has penetrated the core of just about every key Cypriot sector, from real estate to natural resources, transport to aviation, all in the name of a transcontinental infrastructure project linking countries along the route of the old Silk Road.

Thanks in part to the BRI, China is set to surpass the United States as the world’s leading economy by 2028 and become the standout superpower heading into the ‘Fourth Industrial Revolution.’

A key component of the BRI is the Digital Silk Road, DSR, through which the Chinese Communist Party seeks to develop and export key technological infrastructure – including 5G – to participating states, boosting the importance and presence of Chinese tech companies around the world and, to a degree, replicating its digital authoritarian model.


Chinese investments in Cyprus. Illustration: BIRN/Igor Vujcic

In Cyprus, according to BIRN’s findings, China now dominates the 5G networks and the island’s wider tech ecosystem, creating a key Chinese outpost inside the EU with potentially far-reaching consequences for data security and the independence of Cypriot – and by extension EU – foreign policy.

It is a state of affairs that contradicts US and EU recommendations and the island’s own claims to be pursuing a multi-vendor strategy.

5G underpins power grids, transportation and water supplies, and, in the future, will enable military tools including artificial intelligence, said Carisa Nietsche, associate fellow for the Transatlantic Security Program at the Washington-based Centre for a New American Security.

“In extreme cases, analysts suspect China could pull the plug on the network, gather intelligence from data pulsing through the networks or cut off a 5G-enabled energy grid,” Nietsche told BIRN.

Chinese investment in Cyprus

In 2015, China’s largest private copper smelter, Yanggu Xiangguang Copper, bought a 22 per cent stake in Cyprus-registered copper mining company Atalaya Mining Plc for 96.2 million euros.

In November 2019, a consortium led by state-owned China Petroleum Pipeline Engineering signed a 290 million-euro deal with the Cypriot natural gas infrastructure company ETYFA to build a liquefied natural gas terminal for electricity generation. Among the four firms in the consortium is state-owned Hudong-Zhonghua Shipbuilding, the top warship producer for the Chinese navy.

Before it pulled out in 2019, state-owned Aviation Industry Corp. of China, AVIC, was the largest shareholder in Cypriot airline Cobalt.

JimChang Global Group has invested 100 million euros in a five-star hotel and housing development near Ayia Napa via a joint venture announced in 2016 with Cyprus property group Giovani. The residential part was completed last year.

Macau-based Melco is investing $677 million in the City of Dreams Mediterranean, an ‘integrated casino resort’ in Limassol, Cyprus. It is expected to open in 2022.

Building 5G on Chinese foundations

Illustration: BIRN/Igor Vujcic

On his 2015 visit to China, Anastasiades, who was re-elected in 2018, visited the Shanghai research centre of Huawei, the world’s largest manufacturer of telecommunications equipment.

Huawei plays a key role in driving global industry standards in Beijing’s favour through the filing of patents that make the industry more likely to adopt Chinese proposals as global standards.

In terms of 5G standard essential patents, Huawei has the largest portfolio worldwide. The company claims to hold more commercial 5G contracts than any other telecom manufacturer in the world – 91. Forty-seven of these are in Europe.

At the research centre, Anastasiades lauded Huawei’s “important contributions to communications network construction in Cyprus” and called for “deeper ties”.

Huawei’s dominance, however, has unsettled the United States and others, which say the company’s equipment could be used by Beijing for spying, something Huawei has vigorously disputed.

In a rare interview with foreign media in 2019, Huawei founder and CEO Ren Zhengfei said: “I love my country. I support the Communist Party. But I will not do anything to harm the world.” He said that Beijing had never asked him or Huawei to share “improper information” about its partners and that he would “never harm the interest” of his customers.

Unconvinced, in October 2020 then US undersecretary of state for economic growth, energy and the environment, Keith Krach, visited Nicosia and, with the 5G licence application process underway in Cyprus, incorporated the island into the US ‘Clean Network’ on 5G, an initiative launched under former President Donald Trump to build a global alliance excluding technology that Washington says can be manipulated by the Chinese Communist Party.

The Americans are concerned, in part, by the proximity of Chinese-dominated 5G networks to military bases. But while on paper the Cypriots may have sided with the Americans, in practice Huawei is still very much in play.

Huawei (Nicosia)-the building in which Huawei’s main Cyprus offices reside. Photo: BIRN

The company entered the local market in 2009, taking a lead role in the upgrade of the island’s information and communications technology and the 2/3/4G infrastructure of its four telecommunications companies, CyTA, Epic, Cablenet and Primetel.

Since Cyprus uses the so-called Non-Standalone, or NSA, mode for 5G – effectively building on top of its existing 4G infrastructure – and with Huawei providing the components for 100 per cent of the telecom companies’ 4G Radio Access Network, RAN – the Chinese giant looked perfectly placed last year to take the lead in the 5G rollout as well.

The RAN is comprised of various facilities such as cell towers and masts that connect users and devices to the Core Network, which in turn encompasses all 5G data exchanges such as authentication, security, session management and traffic aggregation across devices.

In December 2020, the two biggest 5G contracts were awarded to CyTA and Epic.

But both companies, sources say, are overwhelmingly dependent on Huawei for their Core Network and their RAN infrastructure.

Semi-governmental CyTA launched its 5G Network in January 2021, catering to 70 per cent of the population on launch and aiming for 98 per cent coverage by the start of 2022.

A senior CyTA manager told BIRN that 80 per cent of the company’s Core Network and 100 per cent of its RAN is covered by Huawei infrastructure. The remaining 20 per cent of its Core Network is provided by Swedish Ericsson.

“CyTA is a governmental company and comes up with tenders for the equipment, and Huawei has been a long-term provider of infrastructure and support and offers the best prices,” said the senior manager, who asked not to be named since he was not authorised to speak to media.

Asked about the makeup of its Core Network and RAN infrastructure, CyTA told BIRN: “We inform you that any information regarding the CyTA network is a trade secret and any disclosure of it is contrary to the commercial interests of CyTA and its partners (article 34 (2) Law 184 (I) / 2017).”

Huawei also accounts for 90 per cent of Epic’s Core Network infrastructure and 100 per cent of the RAN, said a senior manager at Epic, who also spoke on condition of anonymity.

Epic’s collaboration with Huawei dates to 2009, when the company, then named MTN, sealed a 20 million-euro contract with the Chinese firm to upgrade its network.

Now owned by Monaco Telecom, Epic went on to develop Cyprus’s first 4G LTE network, leveraging Huawei’s RAN solution, on which another Cypriot telecommunications firm, Primetel, also entered into an access-sharing agreement. In February 2019, shortly before its rebranding as Epic, MTN signed a deal with Huawei for the development of its 5G network.

An Epic spokesperson did not respond to repeated requests for comment.

Nietsche, of the Centre for a New American Security, told BIRN: “For 5G to deliver on its promises of faster speeds, it requires an immense amount of data to travel through the network. And that data is pushed closer and closer to the end user, or the edge of the network.”

“In Europe, some governments have distinguished between implementation of Huawei in the Core Network and the Radio Access Network, or edge of the network. These governments argue that you can essentially create a firewall between the core and edge of the network.”

“However, we should not make such a distinction. As 5G networks develop, more and more data is pushed toward the edge of the network, and it becomes harder to distinguish between the core and edge of the network.”

Chinese ‘fusion’


Huawei section of the Gulf Information Technology Exhibition (GITEX) Global 2021. Photo: EPA-EFE/ALI HAIDER

Using Huawei components within 5G infrastructure is not a direct violation of European Union guidelines, since the EU toolbox on 5G – a common set of guidelines laid out by the bloc to limit 5G cybersecurity risks – did not explicitly ban any specific company but left it to member states to decide which providers were ‘high-risk’.

Authorities in Cyprus have not as yet identified any provider as ‘high-risk’.

The October 2020 memorandum of understanding that saw Cyprus sign up to the US Clean Network “does not imply in an implicit or explicit way that Cyprus will move away from Huawei”, said the man who signed it, Deputy Minister for Research, Innovation and Digital Policy Kyriacos Kokkinos.

“What it says is that we will collaborate with US agencies and authorities so that we ensure that the security standards are respected in the infrastructure we deploy,” Kokkinos told BIRN.

EU guidelines, however, do stress caution over suppliers “subject to interference from a non-EU country”, warning that a member state’s network could be vulnerable if there was a “strong link between the supplier and a government of a third country.”

Huawei’s state ties are considerable.

Zhengfei, the company’s founder, was a former Deputy Regimental Chief of the People’s Liberation Army; reports say that a considerable number of Huawei employees are believed to have worked for the military; and some Huawei employees have collaborated on research projects with military personnel.

But it was legislation passed in China in 2017 that really raised eyebrows.

Article 7 of China’s 2017 National Intelligence Law requires any organisation to support, provide assistance and cooperate in “national intelligence work”. Even before that, Article 22 of the 2014 Counter-Espionage Law required any “relevant organisations and individuals” to “truthfully provide” information during any “counter-espionage investigation”.

China’s “military-civil fusion” – which calls for private sector assistance in the country’s military objectives – was inscribed as a strategic priority in the Chinese Communist Party’s constitution in October 2017.

Some European countries have already balked.

In October, Swedish telecom regulator PTS banned Huawei from supplying 5G equipment to Swedish mobile firms due to security concerns raised by Sweden’s SAP security service, a decision upheld by a Swedish court in June this year.

Huawei has repeatedly denied posing a security threat, while China threatened “all necessary measures” in response to the Swedish ban. Beijing also told France and Germany not to “discriminate” against the company.

In the United Kingdom, a firm US ally, the government set a cap of 35 per cent limit on Huawei’s involvement in 5G RAN. It also excluded Huawei from safety-related and safety critical networks and sensitive locations such as nuclear sites and military bases.

In Cyprus, Kokkinos would not be drawn on whether Cyprus might set a similar cap.

“I don’t want to make a statement that might be misleading that this is not something that might happen in the future,” he said. “But at the moment we do not exclude any vendor.”

Critics of the Chinese government say the stakes could not be higher.

Given how much states and societies will come to depend on fifth generation technology, its security poses an unprecedented challenge, with any potential ‘hack’ snowballing into a threat to national security.

As a host to British military bases and US spy stations at the crossroads of Europe, Asia and the Middle East, Cyprus is no ‘island’ when it comes to geostrategic importance. Some experts say the threat posed by Huawei’s political and military ties and its data dominance in Cyprus cannot be ignored.

“One day Cyprus has to choose a side,” said Chen Yonglin, a former Chinese consular official in Sydney, Australia, whose work included monitoring Chinese dissidents until he defected in 2005. “One day China will take off its mask and Cyprus won’t be able to stand in the middle.”

“Cyprus needs to be careful about handing over its sovereignty to China,” he told BIRN.

John Strand, director and founder of telecommunications consultancy firm Strand Consult, concurred:

“The China we have today is a different China than we had five years ago,” he said. “China is a country which is very aggressive to countries which basically have an opinion, or have citizens who have an opinion about what is going on in China, Hong Kong or Tibet, and other places.”

“We have seen that China is not only threatening countries which go against them or criticise them, they also punish countries,” he told BIRN.

“If the Internet broke down 10 to 15 years ago, society could move on, it was not an issue. Nowadays, everything in our society is built on top of IT solutions which are connected to each other through the Internet of Things.

Cyprus embraces Chinese blockchain

Huawei, however, is not the only cause of potential concern when it comes to Cyprus.

Another is VeChain, a Chinese state-backed blockchain platform that in November 2018 entered into a national partnership with Cyprus to assist the island in the development and implementation of blockchain solutions across a range of private and public sectors.

Mediterranean Hospital of Cyprus (Limassol),one of two Cypriot hospitals to partner with VeChain store vaccination records on the VeChainThor blockchain. Photo: BIRN

It is the only such state partnership VeChain has outside of China.

The platform, launched in 2015, is a favourite of the Chinese Communist Party, which has entrusted it with contracts in, among other areas, agriculture and telecoms.

In July 2018, after thousands of children were given faulty vaccines, the Chinese government called on VeChain to create a nationwide vaccine tracking solution with health data stored on the blockchain.

When VeChain presented its solution at the China International Import Expo in November 2018, President Xi Jinping was in attendance. Xi has declared blockchain a national priority, with VeChain a co-founder of the Belt and Road Initiative Blockchain Alliance that aims to develop blockchain along the route of the BRI.

In Cyprus, VeChain developed the E-HCert App, which records COVID-19 PCR and antibody test results on the VeChain Thor Blockchain and is being expanded to serve as a wallet for all medical records of Cypriot citizens and as a vaccination certificate.

The ‘V-Pass’, a vaccination certificate sealed in the VeChain Thor, is also in the pipeline for the general public.

Two of the island’s biggest private hospitals have also struck agreements with VeChain for it to host their medical records on its blockchain.

Christiana Aristidou, co-founder and vice-chair of the Cyprus Blockchain Association, said that all necessary measures had been put in place “to maintain the safety of health data.”

“Blockchain is very secure and VeChain intends to take the lead in this sector in Cyprus,” Aristidou told BIRN.

Asked about any risks to data security, the Cypriot Health Ministry replied: “The Ministry of Health does not use blockchain technology in public hospitals.”

Golden passports and a city of dreams

But while some experts voice deep concern over the extent of China’s data presence in Cyprus, domestic scrutiny appears lacking. One reason may by the stakes involved for a number of influential political and legal figures.

In August 2020, an undercover report by Al Jazeera exposed a scam at the heart of a Cypriot policy to provide citizenship to foreign nationals who invest two million euros in the island’s economy.

According to the report, a number of high-level Cypriot officials had abused the scheme to secure passports for several thousand foreigners who did not meet the legal requirements.

Passport control at the derelict former Nicosia International Airport in Nicosia, Cyprus. Photo: EPA/JAN RAKOCZY

An official investigation, published in June this year, said that 97 per cent of the 6,546 ‘golden’ passports issued between 2007 and August 2020 had been issued since Anastasiades took power in 2013.

More than half, or 3,609, were for family members of investors and executives of companies and who were granted citizenship without actually meeting the legal criteria.

Between 2017 and 2019, the Al Jazeera report found that 482 wealthy Chinese nationals applied for passports via the scheme, more than any other nationality bar Russian. They include several members of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, an advisory body to the Communist Party.

The chief protagonist in the Al Jazeera exposé was Dimitris Syllouris, who as speaker of the parliament at the time was the country’s second highest-ranking official after the president.

Syllouris was caught helping to fast-track a Cypriot passport for a fictitious Chinese businessman despite being told the applicant had a criminal record and was therefore barred from a ‘golden’ passport under the rules of the scheme.

Syllouris, who resigned over the scandal, had been a key player in a number of deals between Nicosia and Beijing, including in the tech sector.

Property developer and MP Christakis Giovanis, whose company partnered in 2016 with Chinese group JimChang Global on a 100 million-euro hotel and luxury housing development, also resigned his public post over the scam.

Invest Cyprus, the government agency tasked with attracting foreign investment and which signed the 2018 MoU with VeChain, plays a central role in bringing Chinese money into the country.

When Invest Cyprus facilitated the arrival in 2018 of Macau-based conglomerate Melco for the development of a casino mega resort worth $667 million in Limassol, the agency’s CEO, George Campanellas, became a member of the management team overseeing the project.

Melco CEO Lawrence Ho is a member of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, CPPCC, an advisory body to China’s central government.

Melco is also linked to the Cypriot telecom company Cablenet via the latter’s owner, Cyprus-based CNS Group, which is the parent company of The Cyprus Phassouri (Zakaki) Limited, Melco’s partner in the Integrated Casino Resorts Cyprus Consortium behind the Limassol casino development, City of Dreams Mediterranean. The resort is expected to open in 2022.

In 2019, Melco’s Ho attended the 2nd Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation in Beijing with Melis Shiacolas, the managing director of CNS Group and a relative of Cablenet non-executive chairman and 37 per cent owner, Nicos Shiacolas.

The Invest Cyprus board also includes Pantelis Leptos, a prominent property developer whose law firm, Leptos Group, handled the paperwork for 169 applications to the golden passport scheme between 2013 and 2019, according to interior ministry data reported by Cypriot media group Dialogos. The company also has an office in China.

A senior official at Invest Cyprus initially agreed to be interviewed for this story but then said he needed to seek authorisation to speak to the media. He subsequently did not respond to repeated efforts to arrange a meeting.

In Paphos, on the southwest coast of Cyprus, the head of the local Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Andreas Demetriades, signed a memorandum of cooperation in 2017 with the Hi Tech District and Chamber of Commerce of the eastern Chinese city of Changzhou, near Shanghai, for the development of a pharmaceutical tech park in Paphos, with tech parks – industrial zones specialising in science and technology – high on the agenda of Invest Cyprus and the government.

Demetriades’ law firm, Andreas Demetriades LLC, handled 272 golden passport applications between 2013 and 2019, more than any other firm.

Stelios Orphanides, an investigative journalist with the Organised Crime and Corruption Reporting Project, OCCRP, said China could come to dominate the telecommunications sector “because there is the lowest level of scrutiny in terms of risk management.”

“Cyprus doesn’t have the will to carry out thorough checks,” he told BIRN, “because those who manage the system – both the old elites and new elites, lawyers, accountants and so on – have learned to do just one thing, which is to prostitute the sovereignty of Cyprus in exchange for personal benefits.”

Sacked Index Journalists Make History in Hungary

Veronika Munk sits in front of her computer in a somewhat rundown apartment-office in Budapest. She frowns as she reads the text in front of her, but in general she looks satisfied. Munk and her colleagues at Telex have achieved what few people in Hungary thought possible: they managed to build a completely new media outlet from scratch in 10 months mostly financed by readers, defying the hostile media environment that exists in Hungary.

On July 24 last year, Munk and her colleagues made international headlines when they staged a dramatic collective walk-out from Hungary’s then-leading independent news site Index. “All of a sudden, instead of writing the news, we had become the news,” she tells BIRN.

About 90 of the Index journalists resigned en masse following the sacking of editor-in-chief Szabolcs Dull. In the lead-up to his dismissal, Dull had been warning that the independence of the editorial team was in danger and he moved the “freedom barometer” on the homepage of Index to “in danger”.

The journalist resignations made the news around the world and thousands of people took to the streets of Budapest to demand a free press and a ‘new Index’.

“It was a critical situation, and I tried to keep a cool head,” says Munk, who was Index’s deputy editor-in-chief and now leads Telex as co-editor. “I felt responsible for the team and all I knew was that we wanted to stay together. But on the other hand, I remember I felt an immense sadness and weariness – I didn’t even go to the demos because I was so tired.”

Munk has been a journalist all her adult life. She was at Index for 18 years, working her way up from intern to deputy editor-in-chief, and witnessed how the ruling Fidesz party has gradually assumed control over the bastions of Hungary’s independent press since it came to power in 2010.

Using a mix of restrictive media laws and deep-pocketed friendly oligarchs, the party has seized control of major television and radio stations, news portals, and print media publishers, to the point where independent analysis this year showed that Orban allies exert control over a majority of the country’s 88 most influential media outlets.

Index had fended off repeated attempts by government-allied oligarchs to influence its content. But after the municipal elections in 2019, when the Hungarian opposition scored some unexpected victories, most notably in Budapest, the Fidesz leadership reportedly decided to increase the pressure on Index, to mute critical voices ahead of the 2022 general election.

Index’s Achilles’ heel was its dependence on its sales house – responsible for advertisements and revenues – which was acquired in 2018 by businessmen close to the government, who started to apply pressure on the editorial department.

A year ago, Munk told BIRN that, “it was not the classical censorship on the content that we encountered, but a constant pressure on changing our editorial structure.”

The collective resignation was a desperate cry for help; and the project to set up a new outlet was a race against time. “It was clear from the very beginning that we had to react fast. The pressure was strong both inside, from the colleagues, and outside, from society,” Szabolcs Dull, the other co-editor of Telex, tells BIRN.

Dull remembers that the gestures of solidarity from society at large were heart-warming. “In shops or in the market – wherever I went, people were constantly asking me about the ‘new Index’. Once I was sitting in a restaurant and somebody sent a bottle of wine over to show his support. But we were also aware the we cannot make an Index 2.0 – it should be something different.”

Veronika Munk and Szabolcs Dull, co-editors of Telex. Photo: János Bődey

A year in the making

Telex was launched in October and became an instant hit. After less than 10 months in operation, it boasts 600,000 unique users, and is now one of the media market leaders in Hungary. Out of the original Index staff, the founders have managed to employ 72 colleagues, the vast majority of whom are on full-time contracts.

Telex is financed mostly by its readers, with a smaller share of revenue coming from advertising. According to its latest “Transparency Report”, revenue from donations was 2.3 million euros to the end of April – the single biggest donor being Czech businessman Zdenek Bakala with 200,000 euros – and another 400,000 euros from advertising. Over 50,000 people support Telex, in most cases with small donations, which provides a sustainable basis, though the founders won’t rule out a subscription-based model in the longer run.

“What happened at Index was truly a turning point for the Hungarian media landscape. People suddenly became aware that information and content is not free of charge: somebody has to pay the price: either it is the reader, the advertisers or political circles that must foot the bill. Here at Telex, we believe it is not absolutely necessary to make either political or business deals; we would much rather serve our readers’ interest,” Dull says.

Judging from the meteoric growth of its readership, Telex’s readers are happy with the new site so far. But politics is another matter. Telex journalists have become used to being ignored by government politicians for some time; the minister in charge of the cabinet, Antal Rogan, who also oversees government communications, once famously said he does not know what Telex is. It is not unusual for Fidesz politicians to refer to critical news sites as “blogs”, in a deliberate attempt to undermine their importance and credibility.

What happened at Index was truly a turning point for the Hungarian media landscape

– Szabolcs Dull, co-editor of Telex

When Telex reached around 400,000 readers, the government’s attitude changed markedly. “From the very beginning, we were sending questions to the ministries and to government politicians, but we rarely received any answer. This is, of course, nothing new for the critical media in Hungary,” Munk says.

“But now some Fidesz politicians are already talking to us, not from the first tier, but from the second; some even give us interviews. We also see they are closely monitoring what we publish,” she says.

‘Critical, curious and correct’

Telex’s tagline – “critical, curious and correct” – will remain the journalists’ guiding light even in the case of a change in government in Hungary next year.

Munk vehemently rejects the label of opposition or left-wing journalist. She says it is understandable that politicians are interested in framing the narrative in a way they find beneficial, but journalists should go after the news, and what’s interesting and important for their readers, regardless of political colours.

What makes the Index/Telex story special is the courage of these young people, Ilona Kocsi, president of the National Association of Hungarian Journalists (MÚOSZ), tells BIRN.

In most cases where the government took over or destroyed a critical media outlet, its journalists scattered, pursuing individual career paths. There have been some cases where a new independent outlet was established, though only with a handful of the original journalists. Telex was entirely different – this was the first time when an entire team resigned in protest, stayed together and proved that even in the current hostile media environment, an alternative, independent news site could be built.

“The decisive difference is that this was not a one-man show, but a collective action, with a community which had faith in itself and had even the courage to take on risks,” Kocsi says.

In broader terms, it could also indicate a generational change is in the air. Not everybody is ready to succumb to Fidesz’s bullying power; now there is an example of Fidesz’s dominance being challenged and fought off.

Slovenian Government ‘Eroding Media Freedom’, Report Warns

A new report published on Wednesday says that Slovenia, which takes over the rotating presidency of the EU on Friday, “has seen press freedom deteriorate ever since [Prime Minister Janez] Jansa returned to power in March 2020”.

“Since then, the ruling SDS [Slovenian Democratic] Party has embarked on a multipronged campaign to reshape the media landscape in favour of a pro-government narrative, renewing tactics successful during previous administrations and forging ahead with new forms of pressure,” said a press release for the report by Media Freedom Rapid Response, a group of press freedom organisations and journalism groups.

The report says said that the ruling party has been making “an aggressive attempt to seize greater control of the country’s public service broadcaster and national news agency using a mix of legal and administrative pressure”.

In late May, Slovenian journalists’ unions criticised the Culture Ministry after it revealed that several radio stations, well-known critical newspapers and investigative media outlets will no longer receive state funds.

These media outlets were defunded for their alleged “partiality”, but unions maintained that the Culture Ministry’s assessment was arbitrary. The Ministry insists the funding decisions were based on expert opinions.

The Media Freedom Rapid Response claims that at the same time, “propaganda media are being rewarded with lucrative state advertising contracts”.

Slovenia’s government also suspended financing for the Slovenian Press Agency, STA from the beginning of the year, alleging that the agency failed to deliver documents based on which it would be possible to determine a fair financing arrangement.

But some suspect that Jansa’s government is putting pressure on the STA to change its editorial policy by ‘weaponising’ the funding issue.

Slovenian media reported on Monday that the government has now asked its communications office to transfer a 845,000-euro advance to the STA for expected expenses.

Although the Media Freedom Rapid Response report welcomes the announcement, “serious concerns remain over the conditionality of this agreement and its detrimental effects on the independence of the agency”.

“We believe the government is only making this move because of the sustained criticism it has received for its actions and the need to remedy the situation before assuming the EU Presidency,” it says.

It also says that the Jansa government’s tactics “raise alarm as they reflect elements of the media capture strategy employed by Hungarian leader Viktor Orban”.

“Moreover, an influx of Hungarian capital linked to Orban’s Fidesz party is being used to prop up Slovenian pro-government media,” it adds.

A combative figure in the country, Jansa is known for his ‘Twitter wars’ against the media and individual journalists – and for his belief that he is fighting an entrenched left-leaning ‘deep state’.

An ally of Hungary’s authoritarian premier Orban, he has been accused of trying to take Slovenia down the same road.

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