SEE Digital Rights Network Established

Nineteen organisations from Southeast Europe have joined forces in a newly-established network that aims to advance the protection of digital rights and address the growing challenges posed by the widespread use of advanced technologies in society.

Initiated by Balkan Investigative Reporting Network, BIRN, and SHARE Foundation, the SEE Digital Rights Network is the first network of its kind focused on the digital environment and challenges to digital rights in Southeast Europe.

The network brings together 19 member organisations – from Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Greece, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia – dedicated to the protection and promotion of human rights, both online and offline.

Each is committed to advancing their work on issues of digital rights abuses, lack of transparency, expanded use of invasive tech solutions and breaches of privacy.

Since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, Central and Southeast Europe has seen a dramatic rise in the rate of digital rights violations, in countries where democratic values are already imperiled.

“This endeavour comes at a moment when we are seeing greater interference by state and commercial actors that contribute to the already shrinking space for debate while the exercise of basic human rights is continuously being limited,” said BIRN regional director Marija Ristic.

“The Internet has strong potential to serve the needs of the people and internet access has proved to be indispensable in times of crisis such as the COVID-19 pandemic. Our societies are becoming more digital, which presents a powerful incentive to increase the capacity of organisations dealing with digital developments and regulations in our region.”

Illustration: BIRN

During a first joint meeting, the members of the network agreed that the challenges posed by the fast-evolving tech solutions used by states have led to infringements of basic rights and freedoms, while false and unverified information is flourishing online and shaping the lives of people around the region.

The online sphere has already become a hostile environment for outspoken individuals and especially marginalised groups such as minorities, LGBTIQ+ community, refugees and women.

“Digital technology is profoundly changing our societies as it becomes an important part of all spheres of our lives, so we see the diversity of organisations that joined this network as one of its biggest strengths,” said Danilo Krivokapic, director of the SHARE Foundation.

“We can learn so much from each other’s experience, as we have similar problems with governments using technology to exert control over society, especially in times of crisis such as the COVID-19 pandemic,” he said. “It is also important that we act together when we are trying to restore the balance between our citizens and big companies (Facebook, Google etc) that hold enormous amounts of our personal data and through this exert significant power over us.”

The network’s aim is to build on the skills, knowledge and experience of its members to achieve common goals such as strengthening democracy in the region and protecting individuals in the digital environment.

While cherishing the values of safety, equality and freedom, the work of the SEE Digital Rights Network will be directed at achieving the following goals: to protect digital rights and internet freedoms, enable people to access accurate information, make the internet a safer place, detect and report hate speech and verbal violence online, especially against women and other vulnerable groups, identify online recruitment, which can lead to exploitation, take control of  personal data, work to prevent the implementation of intrusive surveillance systems, hold governments accountable for the use and abuse of technology and improve digital literacy in order to prevent violence and exploitation.

The network will aim to increase the level of understanding of complex and worrying trends and practices, trying to bring them closer to the general public in a language it can understand. By creating a common space for discussion and exchange, organisations and the media will be able to increase the impact of their individual efforts directed towards legislative, political and social changes.

For more information about the network please contact: sofija.todorovic@birn.eu or/and nevena@sharedefense.org.

Here you can find the full text of the SEE Digital Right Network Declaration. The Declaration is also available in BCS, Macedonian and Albanian.

The organisations that have joined the network are as follows:

  1. A 11 – Initiative for Economic and Social Rights – Serbia
  2. Balkan Investigative Regional Reporting Network (BIRN) – Bosnia and Herzegovina
  3. Centre for Civic Education – Montenegro
  4. Center for Internet, Development and Good Governance (IMPETUS) – North Macedonia
  5. Civic Alliance (CA) – Montenegro
  6. Civil Rights Defenders (CRD)
  7. Da se zna – Serbia
  8. Gong – Croatia
  9. Homo Digitalis– Greece
  10. Open Data Kosovo (ODK) – Kosovo
  11. Media Development Centre (MDC) – North Macedonia
  12. Metamorphosis Foundation – North Macedonia
  13. Montenegro Media Institute (MMI) – Montenegro
  14. NGO Atina – Serbia
  15. Partners Serbia – Serbia
  16. Sarajevo Open Centre – Bosnia and Herzegovina
  17. Share Foundation – Serbia
  18. Vasa prava BiH – Bosnia and Herzegovina
  19. Zašto ne? – Bosnia and Herzegovina

Freemuse Launches Campaign to Tackle Online Violence and Censorship

The #KnowArtisticRights campaign, launched this week, focuses on online violence and censorship while striving to educate people about artistic rights online and the online threats facing artists around the world. Through the campaign, the organisation is providing artists with a step-by-step guide on how to behave in situations where their rights are violated online.

“The largest number of cases of violation of artistic rights and freedoms registered by Freesumse are occurring online,” says Jasmina Lazovic, Program Coordinator Global Monitoring at Freemuse, an independent international organisation based in Denmark, advocating for and defending freedom of artistic expression.

Photo by Antoine Julien on Unsplash

“Online platforms provide perpetrators of online threats the opportunities to choose false names, fake accounts, and can remain faceless. This makes it incredibly difficult to assess or ascertain, with any accuracy, the gravity or the intention behind the threat. In addition, content controls and community guidelines restrict artistic expressions under the guise of indecency wherein expressions from swearing to paintings of nipples are censored.” 

The illustrative document which explains the campaign in detail says: “Digital technology has transformed the way artists find themselves censored or persecuted. Increasingly private corporations, organised hate groups and states use data to harass, censor or persecute artists.”

Freemuse has also launched its first comprehensive Digital Toolkit. The Toolkit is a first of its kind for artists and will serve as a point of departure for individuals to navigate the censorship and harassment presented to them online. 

The Toolkit, produced by Freemuse’s Artist Relations Team in collaboration with digital safety experts, contains practical information and advice for artists on navigating the aforementioned digital challenges on the following topics: securing information and devices online; securing access online; encrypting online communication; handling harassment and life-endangering threats; and engaging with social media community guidelines and content controls.

New Cyber Attacks on North Macedonia Spur Calls for Better Defences

Fresh cyber attacks in North Macedonia, this time targeting the health and education ministries, are spurring calls for more sophisticated cyber protection.

Last week’s attacks took down the websites of both ministries and were claimed by the hacker group ‘Anonopsmkd’, which previously took responsibility for a July 15 attack on the country’s most popular news aggregator TIME.mk.

The denial of service attack on TIME.mk, which involved more than 35 million addresses that generated thousands of clicks per seconds, coincided with a closely-fought parliamentary election in North Macedonia when the State Electoral Commission was also targeted.

In an interview last week, Anonopsmkd denied hitting the electoral commission, but it has warned that law enforcement structures in North Macedonia are its next target, spurring calls for greater protection of state bodies in the newest member of NATO.

“There should be a single protection system that would cover all government electronic services including agencies, ministries, local governments, and any legal entity or state body,” said Skopje-based cybersecurity consultant Mane Piperevski.

“This can be achieved by having a state-level Security Operation Centre with mixed ownership (51:49 in favour of the state),” Piperevski told BIRN. “The joint protection system would be under the leadership of the company that would be in charge of this Security Operation Centre.”

Hackers obstruct election result announcement

Piperevski said such a model had been implemented in a number of European Union countries.

“There is a quality staff within the government bodies that is ready to respond to such challenges,” he said. “The only problem, however, is with politics and priorities of the work in the institutions.”

Privacy and data protection expert Ljubica Pendaroska said the protection system should be multi-layered, “in order to make to make it as hard as possible for the hackers, and thus increase the protection of information and especially the personal data of citizens.”

“It is necessary for the institutions to have a developed and functional team and a procedure for rapid intervention and response in the case of an attack,” Pendaroska told BIRN.

An investigation conducted by the Ministry of Interior concluded that the electoral commission had been the target of a denial of service or DDoS attack which blocked publication of the preliminary results. The Commission website was out of action for several days.

“The investigation of this case continues in order to determine the IP addresses from where the attack was carried out, and for additional information to be collected to determine the perpetrator of this attack,” the ministry said.

National cybersecurity body has met only once

A spate of cyber attacks on state bodies in North Macedonia over the past few months has raised fears over the safety of its IT system, a concern for NATO too since the country joined the Western military alliance in March this year.

As BIRN reported in May, several cyberattacks in a short period of time exposed gaps in how North Macedonia’s authorities are dealing with cybersecurity issues.

In one security breach two months ago, a Greek hacker group calling itself ‘Powerful Greek Army’ leaked dozens of email addresses and passwords from staffers in North Macedonia’s ministries of finance and economy. Authorities are yet to determine how exactly the attack happened.

Last year, North Macedonia formed a National Council for Cyber Security, bringing together the ministers of interior, defence and information society. But it has so far met only once.

NATO member countries bear primary responsibility for their national cyber defences, but the alliance does provide expert support and has rapid reaction teams it can deploy in emergencies.

“NATO cyber experts can offer support and share information with Allies in real-time, including through our Malware Information Sharing Platform,” a NATO official told BIRN in an emailed response. “NATO has cyber rapid reaction teams on standby to assist Allies 24 hours a day, and our Cyberspace Operations Centre is operational.”

“NATO also invests in training, education and exercises which improve the skills of national cyber experts. Any attempts to interfere with democratic elections, including through hacking, are unacceptable, so we must remain vigilant.”

North Macedonia hackers target British pop stars
A hacker group from North Macedonia has claimed to have taken down the websites of British pop stars Dua Lipa and Rita Ora.

The attacks happened amid a row that erupted this month when Lipa, whose parents were born in majority-Albanian Kosovo, posted on social media a map of ‘Greater Albania’.

Ora, who was born in Kosovo but moved to Britain as a child, voiced her support for Lipa and called for Kosovo – which declared independence from Serbia in 2008 – to appear on Apple Maps.

AnonOpsMKD claimed responsibility for the attacks.

What Happens When Academia and Media Work Together

When a team of British journalists and academics met in the fall of 2011 with staff from the London office of the Open Society Foundations (OSF) to discuss a hybrid investigative research project, all went well until the project budget was mentioned. Spending somewhere upwards of GBP 80k on a single, short-term project was expensive even for OSF, an organization bankrolled by investor George Soros that is one of the largest philanthropic funders of journalism worldwide.

Yet, the project was approved within a week or so, a record time for a large donor organization like OSF. Joseph Rowntree Foundation, a British charity, chipped in.

The project, which became known as Reading the Riots, aimed at studying the causes and consequences of the riots that erupted in several UK cities in August 2011 after the killing by police of Mark Duggan in Tottenham, London.

The British media had diligently covered the riots. The events had made headlines all over the world. But nobody had really dug deep to understand the real causes of the riots. The Guardian, a newspaper, and the London School of Economics (LSE), a university, were planning to do just that: shed light on the root of the problem through interviews with large numbers of people who actually took part in the disorder.

The results were spectacular. Already in December 2011, a study distilling the key findings from interviews with 270 participants in the riots was released by The Guardian and LSE. An analysis of more than 2.5 million riot-related tweets, conducted separately by academics at Manchester University, beefed up the investigation. The study was cited by authorities. Policymakers began to use it on a regular basis.

Reading the Riots was showing both journalists and academics how much impact they can have if they join forces.

The project though was not the first cooperation of its kind. It was, in fact, inspired by a study into the Detroit riots of 1967 carried out at the time by Detroit Free Press, a newspaper, and Michigan’s Institute for Social Research.

As we, Center for Media, Data and Society (CMDS), began last year to engage in journalism production, the London riots project re-emerged in a conversation we were having with OSF about our future projects. Following these discussions, OSF’s European arm gave us a grant to run Black Waters, an investigative research project that our center launched in April 2019 in partnership with Atlatszo, a Hungarian investigative outlet, and Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN), a journalism powerhouse covering a slew of countries across Eastern Europe.

Black Waters brought together four journalists, two anthropologists, a sociologist, an audio assistant and a natural scientist to investigate environmental corruption in Hungary and Romania. Two teams were created to look into the causes and social consequences of environmental damage along the Danube in two small settlements: Almasfuzito in Hungary and Sfantu Gheorghe in Romania.

The research uncovered different layers of corruption, which were exposed in a series of articles published by Atlatszo and Balkan Insight, BIRN’s publishing portal. A radio series covering the investigation has been aired by Radio Civic in Romania.

So, was Black Waters worth the time and money?

Powerful journalism: Lessons learned

Black Waters was from the beginning designed as a collaborative project. Journalists and researchers negotiated the crucial points of the investigations together, which allowed the journalists to better integrate the experts’ knowledge into their investigative work.

“We tried to take the anthropological perspective like looking at the structural causes, and what exactly led to that. Maybe there is something in there that people are not talking about,said Ana-Maria Luca, one of the journalists working on the project.

Wording the questions for interviews together with the researchers helped journalists to find novel directions for the story, but also to gain access to sources. That is extremely important for journalists as very often potential informants are reluctant to talk to them but are more open to anthropologists. Public institutions are also keener to provide data for scientific research than to the media. “Often in Hungary, in 80% of the cases, you can’t just approach people as a journalist. You don’t even get a ‘no’. When the anthropologist wrote to the environmental company, they answered after a few weeks,” Gabi Horn, another journalist in the project, said.

In Almasfuzito, for example, locals remained suspicious and often asked what the purpose of the interviews was. Rebuilding their trust again and again was necessary throughout the project.

“By having somebody in the field, you can create a relationship with the community, and a journalist can use this person to empathize with the community,” said Dumitrita Holdis, one of the researchers in the project, adding that the problem is not solved so easily: “I would rather have things off the record. That’s why a journalist can’t really use my research. My interviews are not sources for them.”

Although the journalists couldn’t quote what the academic researchers have gathered with the assurance of anonymity, the expert analysis could eventually be used in their story. In other words, the researchers became journalists’ sources.

On the other hand, researchers have also benefited from the cooperation with journalists. “When we went back to interview somebody, I saw the type of interviews that Gabi [the journalist] does,” said Ian Cook, another Black Waters researcher who also oversaw the project. 

“The interview itself had a real tempo because there was something she wanted to find out. She was very sharp. Usually, in anthropology, we wait for something, keep a note of it and come back to it in twenty minutes, because we do not want to push questions too hard at the beginning.”

Nevertheless, tensions appeared precisely because of these differences in how academics and journalists pace their work or the ethical standards each group abides by. Anthropologists spend months, sometimes years, in the field before publishing their findings. Journalists don’t have that much time: they usually spend a few days, maybe weeks, working on a story, and then they want to publish it immediately. When you bring these two types of people together, tensions are unavoidable. At the same time, there was a major difference in working ethics between researchers and journalists. For example, journalists felt uneasy about anthropological or sociological data as they are reluctant to work with unnameable sources.

Overall, though, Black Waters was a positive experience, proving again that the hybrid investigative research formula works, generating richer content and more diverse formats. But such projects happen only rarely, mostly because donor organizations are skeptical about their isolated impact, which is a justified concern. To enhance impact, the collaboration between university and journalism needs structure, articulation and consistency. That was the premise on which we, at CMDS, built our journalism track.

To strengthen collaboration, which is key to success in such projects, we focused on two things: student involvement and partnerships with local media.

The youth factor

In the past year, while developing various journalism projects, we realized at some point that a key element was conspicuously missing: the students. Tapping into the pool of talent educated at the Central European University (CEU), a total of over 1,300 students coming from more than 100 countries, most of them enrolled in master’s and doctoral programs, has produced wonders.

As part of the CMDS Practicum, a class of research and journalism practice taught at CEU by the center’s director, students are assigned to produce an original story. A total of 18 students published their articles, which were documented in this class and covered a variety of topics ranging from internet shutdowns in India to the use of social media by the Peruvian police to war photojournalism, on CMDS’ various platforms. Many of these stories reached a wide audience, were quoted or republished by major media outlets. An article on how Georgia’s media regulator hurts independent journalism was republished by Forbes Woman Georgia.

We tried to take the anthropological perspective like looking at the structural causes, and what exactly led to that. Maybe there is something in there that people are not talking about.

Ana-Maria Luca, one of the journalists working on the project

Students also got involved in the center’s research projects, some of which require strenuous investigative work. They wrote reports about the shifts in the power relations that affect journalism and the media, which were published as part of Media Influence Matrix, our center’s flagship project. The reports are based on extensive desk research, including collection and tabulation of publicly available data, and interviews with a wide range of people including experts, politicians or media owners. In writing the reports, students collaborated with local researchers, advocates, NGOs and media practitioners. Other students contributed to The Business of Misinformation, our project aimed at mapping the individuals and companies that own misinformation websites and their links to institutions, parties and other individuals.

To expand this experience beyond our university’s walls, we also ran a project aimed at discussing the topic of misinformation with students from other Hungarian universities. Worldwide experts were brought to Budapest to have complex discussions with these youths about misinformation and propaganda. As part of the project, participating students produced a series of misinformation-focused reports.

Working with students is an illuminating experience, beneficial for all parties involved. On the one hand, they learn how journalism works, widen their networks and gain fresh exposure, which helped some of them to land good jobs after graduation. Many students told us that even if they don’t pursue a career in journalism, the “newsroom” experience they had in the CMDS Practicum class would be of much use as they are very likely to interact with journalists in their future career. In the official university evaluations, they most often praised the “hyper-practical” character of the course.

But it’s not only students who benefit from such collaborative projects. They are a boon for us and our partners, too, bringing great story ideas to the table. Moreover, and this is what we found most valuable in our experience with students, they bring us to an audience that any media outlet in the world craves to reach: the youth, in dozens of countries, with their dreams, ideas and furies.

Reaching young people can be “a real challenge” when “you’re competing with Baby Shark on YouTube and a million videos about flossing (the dance — not dental hygiene),” Leah Boleto, a presenter of Newsround on CBBC, BBC’s children’s channel, wrote last year.

2019 report published by the Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, an Oxford-based research outfit, found that public service media, even in countries where they are highly trusted, have a hard time engaging with younger audiences. The reach for people under 25 has been in constant decline for the last three years, as social media have become the most preferred source of news for them.

What can then be better than getting the youth to tell the stories to the youth?

In partners we trust

Our center has numerous journalists among its staff and affiliated fellows. They all do outstanding work. Thus, we could choose to do all journalism-related work on our own. But to achieve larger impact and outreach, we decided to build the center’s journalism track on a foundation of partnerships with local media outlets. Practically, all our journalistic projects have a media partner.

In hindsight, this was a salutary decision. Not only that such partnerships generate fresh story ideas for local media outlets, but also expose our center’s research work to a much larger audience than our small community of English-speaking researchers and journalists.

Probably the best illustration of this mutually beneficial relation is the center’s Business of Misinformation project. In the framework of this project, CMDS co-operated with three media organizations: HVG in Hungary, PressOne in Romania, and DennikN in Slovakia. Following a round of research into the ownership structures and sources of funding behind prominent fake news websites in Eastern Europe, which was conducted by our center’s researchers, we then commissioned journalists working for these outlets to follow up on some of the most striking findings of the research.

Using our research, the three outlets published a total of six articles, combined. They were read on average by one-hundredfold more people than the country reports published by the center. For example, the article in HVG, one of the most trusted Hungarian news sites, had more than 28,000 unique visitors. The story published by PressOne attracted over 32,000 readers. The four stories published by DennikN together had nearly 80,000 pageviews. Never before has the center’s written work been read by so many people.

Can journalism and academia save each other?

In many countries all over the world, news media are captured by oligarchies. As tech giants control growing parts of the ad market and governments step up their spending in state media, independent news media are under harsh financial pressures. Moreover, trust in journalism is at record lows. The Digital News Report 2019 of the Reuters Institute found that trust in news in general is down to 42%.

On the other hand, academia is also coming under pressure. The experience of our own university speaks for itself. Viktor Orban’s right-wing populist government, which has been in power for a decade, used dubious legal tools to kick CEU out of Hungary. As of this year, our university will operate in Vienna. Moreover, the academic work is hardly relevant in society mostly a result of the poor outreach and communication work done by academics. A 2015 study from Pew found that 87% of scientists accepted that natural selection plays a role in evolution, but only 32% of the public agreed. The disconnect is staggering.

To some extent, it looks like academia and journalism are sharing similar challenges. Joining forces and resources could help both university and media address some of them, if not all.

For example, the two key priorities for journalism, and even more so in the post-Covid world, will be achieving financial sustainability and regaining trust. Some successes have been observed. In Slovakia, DennikN, a news outlet established in 2015, broke even in only two years after launch thanks to a paywall. In Romania, DOR, a magazine focusing on storytelling and long-form reporting, supports itself through subscriptions and sales of merchandise, ads and grants. In Kazakhstan, Vlast, an online platform, has managed to introduce subscriptions in a nation totally unaccustomed to pay for news content.

However, that is far from enough. It is comforting for journalists to see more and more examples of successful enterprises in the media, but journalism is yet to build a solid base to operate on.

In academia, improved outreach and closer connection with society are badly needed. Scientists and researchers are increasingly quoted in the media and more present on social networks. But university tends to be inward-looking, rarely trying to target broader audiences.

As our modest journalism experiments are showing, joint work between academia and journalism is incredibly powerful, helping academics reach audiences they would never dream of reaching and journalists improve and increase their output, all with a more efficient use of resources. Undoubtedly, there are snags. Deadline means a totally different thing for academics and journalists. Their work ethics differ. They write differently. They think differently about their audience.

But properly managed and done at scale, with universities and media institutionally opening to each other and sharing their intellectual and financial resources to produce knowledge for the public good, investigative research collaboration is very likely to provide an answer, maybe the only one, to the many challenges that both journalism and academia are facing.

This report used information and quotes from “How Can Investigative Journalists and Researchers Work Together? An Account of an Experimental Hybrid Project,” a report written by Alexandra Czeglédi that documented the work experience in the Black Waters project.

Hungarian Index’s Fate in Balance as Most Reporters Quit

The future of Hungary’s most read news site looked increasingly uncertain on Friday after 70 of its approximately 90 journalists announced their resignations following the earlier dismissal of editor-in-chief Szabolcs Dull on Wednesday – which many saw as an act of gross interference in editorial freedom and a threat to the government-critical news site’s independence.

Deputy editor Veronika Munk announced in an emotional speech that the editorial staff had campaigned in vain for the return of Dull, and now mostly felt no choice except to give up their jobs. For some, it is the second time in only a few years that they have lost their jobs, after working in other media that Hungary’s government has taken over.

It is unknown whether the departing editorial staff can remain united and working together, or whether they will individually join other media outlets, or leave the media.

Index has survived an increasing hostile media environment and previously resisted attempts by government-close oligarchs to influence its content over the last ten years.

But the structure of the company around Index has made it increasing vulnerable to financial pressure. While Index is owned by a foundation, its revenue comes through a saleshouse whose managers are close to Viktor Orban’s government.

After the municipal elections in Hungary last October, when the opposition scored some unexpected victories, most notably in Budapest, the ruling Fidesz party leadership reportedly decided to up the pressure on Index, as the leading remaining critical news site, ahead of the 2022 national elections.

The turmoil around Index has had international implications. European Commission Vice President Vera Jourová has expressed concerns about the media situation in Hungary, and in particular, about Index. The Commission has been in touch with Index, Politico quoted her as saying.

Hungarian officials have angrily denied involvement. When Hungary’s Foreign Minister, Péter Szijjártó, was asked in Lisbon by a Reuters journalists whether a country without media freedom still qualified as a free country, Szijjártó lashed out against criticism “against Hungary”.

He said the government has nothing to do with a management decision of a private company and stated that no law in Hungary “hinders press freedom”. Hungarian opposition Momentum party meanwhile said it planned a demonstration in support of Index and media freedom on Friday in Budapest.

North Macedonia Probes Election Day Cyber Attacks

Authorities in North Macedonia have announced an investigation into election day’s cyber attack while experts are still puzzled about how the attack occurred on July 15, targeting the website of the state election commission, SEC, and the news aggregator website.

“It is not clear whether the [SEC] website was tested to withstand a large amount of connections for a short period of time, and whether it had the necessary DDoS protection,” cyber-security engineer Milan Popov told BIRN on Friday.

The Interior Ministry confirmed that it is looking into the matter. “The SEC reported the case and, immediately after the report, the Sector for Computer Crime and Digital Forensics took measures and activities to clear up the case,” ministry spokesman Toni Angelovski told BIRN.

Polling day on July 15 saw two of the highest profile cyber attacks the country has ever seen. In a single night, both the election commission’s website and the most popular news aggregator, TIME.mk, were brought down for several hours.

While TIME.mk quickly recovered, the SEC website is still having difficulties functioning. According to the SEC head, Oliver Derkovski, the attack probably came from abroad.

“We informed the Interior Ministry about this cybercrime. They were here today and I hope they will resolve it soon. It was an attack from abroad,” Derkovski said.

The IT company that runs the SEC election results page section, Duna Computers, said its own application functions flawlessly and the main issue came from the SEC website experiencing a sophisticated cyber attack.

The second cyber attack of the night, the denial of service, DDoS, attack that hit TIME.mk, involved more than 35 million addresses that generated thousands of clicks per second.

“There were brief interruptions but mostly the site withstood the attack. Unfortunately, we did not have the best protection, and this was our mistake, which we have corrected, so that it will not happen again,” the website’s founder, Igor Trajkovski, wrote on Twitter.

“I can say for sure that, for the second part of the attack, someone is connected to one of the sites that we index, because that is the only way through which they can find out our IP address,” Trajkovski added.

Unlike the SEC cyber attack, responsibility for this one was claimed by a hacker group that uses a logo similar to that of the famous hacktivist group Anonymous, and calls itself “Anonopsmkd”.

The group left a message in which it voiced displeasure with the election process in the country, and said it had targeted the TIME.mk website mostly because of its popularity. Regarding the group itself, information is scarce. However, in their message, they warned ominously that they are ready to strike again, and that they “neither forgive nor forget”.

VIDEO: Everything You Need to Know About Surveillance in Serbia

The video explains the issues and facts around the mass-surveillance implementation in Belgrade, including concerns it can have on citizens’ life and behaviour.

“This is not a typical surveillance system. This is a biometric surveillance, which will enable anyone to be tracked at any time, if the whole city is covered,” said Danilo Krivokapić, Share Foundation’s director.

North Macedonia Election Commission ‘Cyber-Attacked During Polls’

The website of North Macedonia’s State Electoral Commission, SEC, suffered an alleged denial-of-service, DDoS, attack for more than three hours during the parliamentary elections on Wednesday.

The attack delayed the SEC’s announcement of the official results of the tightly-contested vote on its website and it had to improvise by releasing partial results through YouTube clips instead.

SEC officials insisted that the alleged attack did not affect the data that they had been collecting throughout the day.

“From what I know so far, this was an attempted external attack. But until this is confirmed, I cannot speculate, we will know more about it tomorrow [Thursday]. The data wasn’t attacked and no damage was caused in the process,” SEC President Oliver Derkovski told a press conference.

At the same time as the SEC suffered the alleged attack, the country’s most popular news aggregator TIME.mk was also targeted by a heavy DDoS attack, which took the website down for a couple of hours. The site’s founder, Igor Trajkovski, said that Cloudflare, a US-based website security company, had to block millions of IP addresses involved in the attack.

“So far, Cloudflare has blocked three million IP addresses. And more new ones are appearing. We have never had such a DDOS attack before. Someone paid a lot of money to do this,” Trajkovski wrote on Twitter.

The attack was later claimed by a hacker group calling itself Anonymous Macedonia, which left a message on the website voicing displeasure with the election process, citing “empty promises from all political parties in this beautiful country”.

“We had yet another ‘democratic election process’, and as we can see, it is the same story repeating every three to four years,” the message said.

“It had to be your website because it has the highest number of visitors – no hard feelings,” It added.

With more than 90 per cent of the ballots counted, the ruling SDSM party was ahead of the opposition VMRO-DPMNE by some 10,000 votes.

Montenegro Activist Grilled for Facebook Post on Serbian Protests

Montenegrin police on Thursday questioned the civic activist and member of the “Odupri se (Resist)” movement, Omer Sarkic, for a Facebook post about the recent protests in Serbia.

In an ironic post, Sarkic called on the opposition Democratic front to stage protests in front of the Serbian embassy in Podgorica over police brutality against protesters in Belgrade. He stated a fictional press release in which the DF warned that it will resist police brutality in Serbia as it does in Montenegro.

“I explained to the police officer that my post was ironic, as I wanted to show that part of the opposition and Montenegrin media are silent about the protests in Belgrade. It’s sad that some police officer who was reading my Facebook posts didn’t understand what my nine-year-old son understood,” Sarkic said.

Serbian police this week have clashed with thousands of angry protesters in Belgrade and other cities against the official handling of the coronavirus crisis and the announced re-imposition of restrictive measures, including a curfew this weekend.

In Belgrade, they used tear gas to disperse the crowds. In Kragujevac, protesters smashed the windows of the local police building. Protesters in Novi Sad threw rocks and rubbish bins at the windows of the ruling Progressive Party facilities, at Radio Television of Vojvodina and at city hall.

Cameras caught numerous examples of the Serbian police using excessive force, with several attacks on journalists also reported.

But the violence in Serbia has thrown the mainly pro-Serbian opposition parties in Montenegro off balance. On July 8, Democratic Front MP Marina Jocic insisted that the police in Belgrade had been abused by the protesters, claiming there was no police brutality.

The Front has strong political ties with Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic and his Serbian Progressive Party, SNS.

On June 25, Sakic was arrested with two opposition Democratic Front MPs and dozens of opposition supporters after violent protests rocked several towns in Montenegro.

Hundreds of people joined protests in Podgorica, Niksic, Bijelo Polje, Berane, Pljevlja, and Bar after an opposition mayor in the resort of Budva was arrested for refusing to hand over power despite losing control of the local assembly.

Activists and opposition politicians accused the police of breaching their powers during the arrests in Budva, after videos were published showing officers beating people in the streets even when they were not resisting arrest. Videos showed police kicking a man lying on the ground in Budva while another showed them kicking a young man even though he did not resist arrest.

Since January, there were several cases of arrests in Montenegro linked to posts on social networks. In separate cases, two Montenegrins and one Russian citizen were arrested for spreading fake news about the COVID-19 pandemic on social networks.

On April 9, police arrested an opposition Democratic Front activist for posting fake news about the health of President Milo Djukanovic, claiming he had the coronavirus. Radovan Rakocevic, from the town of Bijelo Polje, was put in custody for 72 hours for the offence of spreading panic.

Even before the COVID-19 outbreak became more serious in Montenegro, there were arrests for spreading panic about it. On March 13, the Basic Court ordered 30 days in custody for Milivoje Brkovic for posting a message on Facebook that said state officials were hiding the real number of people suffering from the coronavirus. The country confirmed its first two cases on March 17.

Serbian Police Attack Journalists In Second Night of Clashes

Serbian police clashed with thousands of angry citizens on Wednesday night, on the second day of protests against the official handling of the coronavirus crisis and the announced reimposition of restrictive measures, including a curfew on weekend. Besides the capital city of Belgrade, protests were held in other cities, including Novi Sad, Nis, Kragujevac and Smederevo.

In Belgrade, violent clashes with police lasted hours, with police using tear gas to disperse crowds. In Kragujevac, protesters smashed some of the windows of the police building.

Protesters in Novi Sad threw rocks and rubbish bins at the windows of the ruling Progressive Party facilities, at Radio Television of Vojvodina and at city hall, breaking some windows.

Miran Pogacar, one of the people who called for protests in Novi Sad, blamed pro-government infiltrators for the violence in Novi Sad. Pogacar was arrested some hours later and is still in custody.

In Belgrade, 19 policemen and 17 protesters were injured on Wednesday night, according to city hospital data.

Cameras caught numerous examples of the police using excessive force, with several attacks on journalists also reported.

Journalists from Nova.rs portal, Beta news agency, as well as from the Serbian public broadcaster RTS were all attacked while covering the protests on Wednesday night – the latter by the protesters.

Three journalists of Nova.rs said they were attacked by police, although they had identified themselves as journalists.

Marko Radonjic said he was hit by a police baton and threatened with arrest. Police hit another journalist, Milica Bozinovic while knocking her phone to the ground. Her colleague Natasa Latkovic’s journalists ID was thrown by the police, Nova.rs said.

Beta news agency said police injured their reporter, despite showing them a journalist’s ID. The journalist suffered cuts to his head and near his eye, and the police also returned to beat him while he was lying on the ground.

“They beat him with batons, even though he let them know that a journalist was on duty, even when he fell to the ground,” Beta said.

In Nis, protesters surrounded the journalist and the cameraman from Radio Television of Serbia, RTS, insulted them and grabbed their microphones and camera cables, while the cameramen was hit on the head with a bottle.

The violence stopped after journalists from Juzne vesti intervened and helped their colleagues escape the area. RTS has been widely criticized by protesters for not properly reporting the rallies.

The SafeJournalists network, which represents more than 8,200 media professionals in the Western Balkans, on Thursday condemned the violence against journalists and asked the authorities to guarantee their rights to work.

“In accordance with its mandate, the police must ensure a safe working environment for journalists and must determine who and why has violated their rights during the protest. It must determine whether the powers of the police have been exceeded and, if so, prosecute the responsible persons,” it said.

Interior Minister Nebojsa Stefanovic said on Wednesday night at a press conference that the police had acted with restraint while they were pelted with stones and torches and had reacted in self-defence.

“They started intervening when the violence became unbearable and when their lives were in danger,” Stefanovic said.

Tanja Fajon, president of the European Parliament’s Stabilization and Association Committee between Serbia and the EU, wrote on Twitter on Wednesday that the footage from Serbia looked brutal and that the safety and health of people should come in the first place.

“The use of force is unacceptable. Angry people accuse President Vucic of deliberately concealing the real health picture [with COVID-19] until the recent elections. Safety and health of people are in the first place. But not with repression,” Fajon wrote on Twitter. .

President Aleksandar Vucic on Wednesday blamed far-right organisations, anti-migrant extremists and fantasists who “believe the Earth is a flat plate” for the violence.

“These people were not talking about coronavirus – they were talking about some kind of betrayal, about migrants, the 5G network and the earth as a flat plate, and these people were not there for the first time, only their degree of aggression was higher,” Vucic said.

He added that one reason for the protest was to weaken the position of Serbia ahead of the continuation of the EU-aided dialogue with Kosovo.

Violent protests erupted on Tuesday evening after Vucic announced that, due to the rise in COVID-19 cases, the capital might again be under a curfew this weekend.

During the now lifted state of emergency, Serbian citizens spent several whole weekends under curfews. Serbia was one of few countries in Europe to impose such tough measures.

Critics accused the President of manipulating health measures for his own political gains. He lifted heavy restrictions ahead of the elections on June 21.

In the run-up to the election, no restrictions were in place. During that time, political parties held rallies, the government allowed football games to take place in the presence of thousands of people, while the state Crisis Staff said situation with the coronavirus was no longer alamring.

The day after the elections, BIRN published an investigation that showed that more than twice as many infected patients had died in Serbia than the authorities announced, and hundreds more people had tested positive for the virus in than was admitted.

After the elections, when the numbers of deaths and infections again started to increase, many towns and cities in Serbia announced states of emergency linked to the pandemic.

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